Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Article 246
Mains level: Paper 2- Need for review of the Seventh Schedule
Context
Without delegation of funds, functions and functionaries, local governments are unable to respond to pressure from citizens who demand greater efficiency.
Background of the Seventh Schedule
- Article 246 of the Constitution mentions three lists in the Seventh Schedule — union, state and concurrent lists.
- The present Seventh Schedule and union (at that time Federal) list, state (at that time Provincial) list and concurrent lists are inherited from that 1935 piece of legislation.
- It states that “Notwithstanding anything in the two next succeeding subsections, the Federal Legislature has, and a Provincial Legislature has not, power to make laws with respect to any of the matters enumerated in List I in the Seventh Schedule to this Act.”
Delivery of public goods
- Ignoring that narrow and technical definition of public good, loosely, we understand “public good” as something that must be delivered by the government.
- It cannot, or should not, be delivered by the private sector.
- Notwithstanding the use of private security guards, most people will agree “law and order” is a public good.
- Most public goods people will think of are efficiently delivered at the local government level, not Union or state level.
- There is a Seventh Schedule issue that is thus linked to the insertion of a local body list.
- Countervailing pressure by citizens increasingly demands efficient delivery of such public goods.
- But without delegation of funds, functions and functionaries, presently left to the whims of state governments, local governments are unable to respond.
Need for the review of the Seventh Schedule Lists
- No local body list: Most public goods people will think of are efficiently delivered at the local government level, not Union or state level.
- There is a Seventh Schedule issue that is thus linked to the insertion of a local body list.
- But without delegation of funds, functions and functionaries, presently left to the whims of state governments, local governments are unable to respond.
- The Rajamannar Committee — formally known as Centre-State Relations Inquiry Committee suggested constitution of a High Power Commission to examine the entries of Lists I and III in the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution and suggest redistribution of the entries,”.
- Changes in the past led to greater centralisation: Items have moved from the state list to the concurrent list and from the concurrent list to the union list.
- Such limited movements have reflected greater centralisation, such as in 1976.
- N K Singh, Chairman of 15th Finance Commission has also often made this point, in addition to scrutiny of Article 282.
Conclusion
For the sake of better governance, it’s not an issue that should be ducked and the basic structure doctrine doesn’t stand in the way.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Not much
Mains level: Restoration and normalization of India-Pak ties
Peace with India and its immediate neighbors is set to be the central theme of Pakistan’s first-ever National Security Policy.
Why has this news made headlines?
- Pakistan’s (official) policy now leaves the door open for trade with India even without the settlement of the Kashmir issue – provided there is headway in bilateral talks.
- Earlier, Kashmir used to be at the centre-stage of all Pakistani outcry.
New Security Policy
- The country’s new policy would act as an umbrella document, to be used as a guideline for Pakistan`s foreign, international and defence related policies.
- The five-year-policy document, which will span 2022-26, is being touted by the Pakistan government as the country’s first-ever strategy paper of its kind.
Key highlights
- Focus on trade: The 100-page policy document has also put out elaborate plans to open trade and business ties with India.
- Silent on Kashmir: Kashmir issue with India has been identified as a ‘vital national policy’ issue for Pakistan.
- No public discussion: Only a part of the national security policy will be made public.
- Defying hostility with India: The document states that Pakistan is not seeking hostility with India for the next 100 years.
- Curbing militancy: The new policy also deals with the issue of militant and dissident groups and advocates dialogue with ‘reconcilable elements.’
- No re-conciliation with India: There are no prospects of rapprochement with India under the current government.
- Others: On the internal front, the new policy identifies five key areas of population/migration, health, climate and water, food security and gender mainstreaming.
Significance of such policy
- Pakistan and India have mostly been at loggerheads with each other throughout history.
- During the first term of Narendra Modi in 2014, the relations took a positive turn when he announced his intentions to have cordial relations with Pakistan.
- He had also visited Islamabad in 2015 unannounced to attend a marriage ceremony in Ex-PMs family.
- However, the relations deteriorated following the horrific 2016 Uri attacks.
Way ahead
- Pivotal equations between India and Pakistan will continue to be dominated by Kashmir, the ongoing proxy war and terrorism.
- It is unlikely that this prevailing equilibrium is likely to be reset by this classified policy document. That too overnight.
- The India-centric security obsession will remain the core of this policy.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Freedom of Speech and Expression, Its many aspects
Mains level: Hate speech and related issues
The Supreme Court has asked the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) and the police to respond to petitions that people accused of delivering hate speeches at a religious conference in Haridwar have not been arrested yet.
What is ‘Hate Speech’?
- There is no specific legal definition of ‘hate speech’.
- The Law Commission of India, in its 267th Report, says: “Hate speech generally is an incitement to hatred primarily against a group of persons defined in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religious belief and the like …
- Thus, hate speech is any word written or spoken, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause fear or alarm, or incitement to violence.”
- In general, hate speech is considered a limitation on free speech that seeks to prevent or bar speech that exposes a person or a group or section of society to hate, violence, ridicule or indignity.
How is it treated in Indian law?
- Provisions in law criminalize speeches, writings, actions, signs and representations that foment violence and spread disharmony between communities and groups and these are understood to refer to ‘hate speech’.
- Sections 153A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code are generally taken to be the main penal provisions that deal with inflammatory speeches and expressions that seek to punish ‘hate speech’.
[I] Section 153A:
- Promotion of enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony’, is an offence punishable with three years’ imprisonment.
[II] Section 505:
505(1): Statements conducing to public mischief
- The statement, publication, report or rumour that is penalized under Section 505(1) should be one that promotes mutiny by the armed forces, or causes such fear or alarm that people are induced to commit an offence against the state or public tranquility.
- This attracts a jail term of up to three years.
505(2): It is an offence to make statements creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes.
505(3): Same offence will attract up to a five-year jail term if it takes place in a place of worship, or in any assembly engaged in religious worship or religious ceremonies.
What has the Law Commission proposed?
The Law Commission has proposed that separate offences be added to the IPC to criminalize hate speech quite specifically instead of being subsumed in the existing sections concerning inflammatory acts and speeches.
[A] Inserting two sections
- It has proposed that two new sections, Section 153C and Section 505A, be added.
Section 153C
It is an offence if anyone-
- Uses gravely threatening words, spoken or written or signs or visible representations, with the intention to cause fear or alarm OR
- Advocates hatred that causes incitement to violence, on grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe
Section 505A
- It proposes to criminalize words, or display of writing or signs that are gravely threatening or derogatory, within the hearing or sight of a person, causing fear or alarm or, with intent to provoke the use of unlawful violence against that person or another”.
[B] Imprisonment
- Section 153C: two-year jail term for this and/or a fine of ₹5,000 or both
- Section 505A: prison term of up to one year and/or a fine up to ₹5,000
Other committees’ recommendations
- Similar proposals to add sections to the IPC to punish acts and statements that promote racial discrimination or amount to hate speech have been made by the M.P. Bezbaruah Committee and the T.K. Viswanathan Committee.
- At present, the Committee for Reforms in Criminal Laws, which is considering more comprehensive changes to criminal law, is examining the issue of having specific provisions to tackle hate speech.
Why regulate hate speech?
- Creates social divide: Individuals believe in stereotypes that are ingrained in their minds and these stereotypes lead them to believe that a class or group of persons are inferior to them and as such cannot have the same rights as them.
- Threat to peaceful co-existence: The stubbornness to stick to a particular ideology without caring for the right to co-exist peacefully adds further fuel to the fire of hate speech.
Issues in regulating hate speech
- Powers to State: Almost every regulation of speech, no matter how well-intentioned, increases the power of the state.
- Hate speeches are Political: The issue is fundamentally political and we should not pretend that fine legal distinctions will solve the issue.
- Legal complications: An over-reliance on legal instruments to solve fundamentally social and political problems often backfires.
Way ahead
- Subjects like hate speeches become a complex issue to deal with, in a country like India which is very diverse, as it was very difficult to differentiate between free and hate speech.
- There are many factors that should be considered while restraining speeches like strong opinions, offensive comments towards certain communities, the effect on values like dignity, liberty and equality.
- We all have to work together and communicate efficiently for our country to be a healthy place to live in.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Not much
Mains level: Chinese scramble in Africa
Chinese Foreign Minister has visited Eritrea, Kenya, and Comoros in the first week of January as part of a five-nation tour.
Why in news?
- Chinese FM was observing a 32-year-old Beijing ritual of visiting Africa at the beginning of every year.
- In fact, China’s links with the continent go back farther than the last three decades.
China-Africa Ties: A backgrounder
- In the Cold War years, as the US and Soviet Union jousted for influence over Africa, China maintained an ideological presence on the continent.
- In 1966, after Kwame Nkrumah was ousted in a coup while he was in Beijing, the Chinese put up the Ghananian independence leader for a few days before he decided to leave for Guinea.
- Since the 1990s, China has successfully used its old ties with several African countries to remodel the relationship, using the abundant natural resources of the continent to service its own massive growth.
[A] Strategic gestures
- Diplomatic establishments: China has a special envoy to the Horn of Africa where Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti and Kenya are located. It shows the strategic importance of this Indian Ocean region for China.
- Military bases: Since 2017, Beijing has had a military base in Djibouti with 400 soldiers of the PLA, in close proximity to French and an American base.
- Railway lines: A Chinese-built railway line connects Djibouti to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.
[B] Infrastructure Projects
- Tanzania: The first Chinese infrastructure project on the continent was the 1,860-km Tanzania-Zambia railway in the 1970s — the first transnational railway in Africa.
- Zambia: In addition to carrying passengers, it transported ore from Zambian copper mines to the port city of Dar-es-Salam in Tanzania.
- Kenya: China has undertaken major Belt and Road initiatives in Kenya. Recently, there was held completion ceremony of the Chinese-built oil terminal at the port city of Mombasa.
- Comoros Islands: In the Comoros Islands, off Mozambique, China has made many development assistance.
[C] Loans and trade
- For a dozen years, China has been Africa’s biggest trading partner. Undoubtedly, the balance of trade is heavily in favour of China.
- Two-way trade in 2020 was $ 187 billion, according to the ‘China-Africa Annual Economic and Trade Relationship Report 2021’.
- The top five African recipients of Chinese investments are South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, Ethiopia, and Zambia.
- While the main investments in countries across Africa are in infrastructure construction projects and mining, China is also investing in transport, scientific research, and the services sector.
[D] Others
- China has huge demand for African ivory, abalone, rhinoceros tusk and materials from other endangered species.
- This has taken a significant toll on conservation efforts.
Major Chinese accomplishments
- The question of Taiwan has been a key political issue for China these days.
- In 1971, the support of African nations was crucial in China’s joining the United Nations (UN), taking over the seat on Taiwan.
- Many African countries, such as Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Zambia have stressed their support for a “one-China policy”.
Criticisms of Chinese Scramble in Africa: A neo-colonialism in making
- There are a variety of critical perspectives scrutinizing the balance of power relationship between China and Africa, and China’s role concerning human rights in Africa.
- Increasingly, concerns have been raised by Africans and outside observers that China’s relationship with Africa is neocolonialist in nature.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Formation of NE states
Mains level: Boundary issues in India
Union Home Minister is expected to seal the final agreement to end the dispute in six areas of the Assam-Meghalaya boundary ahead of Meghalaya’s 50th Statehood Day celebration on January 21.
Can you recall the chronology of reorganization of the entire North-East region?
Assam- Meghalaya Boundary Dispute
- Assam has had a boundary dispute with Mizoram for decades and several rounds of talks have been held since 1994-95 to solve the issue.
- Till 1972, Mizoram was a part of Assam and acquired full statehood in 1987.
- The 164.6 km-long border between the States runs along with Cachar, Hailakandi and Karimganj districts in Assam and Kolasib, Mamit and Aizawl districts in Mizoram.
- There are several border areas where violence have been reported.
Roots of the dispute
- In the Northeast’s complex boundary equations, showdowns between Assam and Mizoram residents are less frequent than they are.
- The boundary between present-day Assam and Mizoram, 165 km long today, dates back to the colonial era when Mizoram was known as Lushai Hills, a district of Assam.
- The dispute stems from a notification of 1875 that differentiated Lushai Hills from the plains of Cachar, and another of 1933 that demarcates a boundary between Lushai Hills and Manipur.
- Mizoram believes the boundary should be demarcated on the basis of the 1875 notification, which is derived from the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation (BEFR) Act, 1873.
- Mizo leaders have argued in the past argued against the demarcation notified in 1933 because Mizo society was not consulted.
Other boundary disputes in North-East
The states of the Northeast were largely carved out of Assam, which has border disputes with several states.
During British rule, Assam included present-day Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya besides Mizoram, which became separate state one by one. Today, Assam has boundary problems with each of them.
- Nagaland shares a 500-km boundary with Assam.
- In two major incidents of violence in 1979 and 1985, at least 100 persons were killed. The boundary dispute is now in the Supreme Court
- On the Assam-Arunachal Pradesh boundary (over 800 km), clashes were first reported in 1992, according to the same research paper.
- Since then, there have been several accusations of illegal encroachment from both sides, and intermittent clashes. This boundary issue is being heard by the Supreme Court.
- The 884-km Assam-Meghalaya boundary, too, witnesses flare-ups frequently. As per Meghalaya government statements, today there are 12 areas of dispute between the two states.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: TRP
Mains level: Read the attached story
Ratings by Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) for the news channels will resume, after the organisation revised its procedures and protocols.
The ratings were suspended after the Mumbai police busted a racket involving a private channel’s efforts to tamper the TRPs.
Try this question:
Q.What do you mean by “TRP Journalism”? Discuss the loopholes in the present system of self-regulation in Indian media.
What is TRP?
- In simple terms, anyone who watches television for more than a minute is considered a viewer.
- The TRP or Target Rating Point is the metric used by the marketing and advertising agencies to evaluate this viewership.
- In India, the TRP is recorded by the Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) using Bar-O-Meters that are installed in televisions in selected households.
- As on date, the BARC has installed these meters in 44,000 households across the country. Audio watermarks are embedded in video content prior to broadcast.
- These watermarks are not audible to the human ear, but can easily be detected and decoded using dedicated hardware and software.
- As viewing details are recorded by the Bar-O-Meters, so are the watermarks.
What is BARC?
- It is an industry body jointly owned by advertisers, ad agencies, and broadcasting companies, represented by The Indian Society of Advertisers, the Indian Broadcasting Foundation and the Advertising Agencies Association of India.
- Though it was created in 2010, the I&B Ministry notified the Policy Guidelines for Television Rating Agencies in India on January 10, 2014, and registered BARC in July 2015 under these guidelines, to carry out television ratings in India.
How are the households selected?
- Selection of households where Bar-O-Meters are installed is a two-stage process.
- The first step is the Establishment Survey, a large-scale face-to-face survey of a sample of approximately 3 lakh households from the target population. This is done annually.
- Out of these, the households which will have Bar-O-Meters or what the BARC calls the Recruitment Sample are randomly selected. The fieldwork to recruit households is not done directly by BARC.
- The BARC on its website has said that the viewing behaviour of panel homes is reported to BARC India daily. Coincidental checks either physically or telephonically are done regularly.
Vigilance activities by BARC
- Certain suspicious outliers are also checked directly by BARC India.
- BARC India also involves a separate vigilance agency to check on outliers that it considers highly suspicious.
- And as per the guidelines of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, these households rotate every year.
- This rotation is in such a manner that older panel homes are removed first while maintaining the representativeness of the panel.
- The Ministry guidelines further say that the secrecy and privacy of the panel homes must be maintained, and asked the BARC to follow a voluntary code of conduct.
What are the loopholes in the process?
- Several doubts have been raised on many previous occasions about the working of the TRP.
- As per several reports, about 70% of the revenue for television channels comes from advertising and only 30% from subscriptions.
- It is claimed that households were being paid to manipulate the TRP.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Makar Sankranti
Mains level: NA
The President has greeted the people of India on the occasion of Makar Sankranti and Pongal festivals.
Makar Sankranti
- Makar Sankranti or Uttarayan or Maghi or simply Sankranti is considered as the transition day of Sun into the Capricorn.
- Now the sun moves northwards in the Hindu calendar.
- Dedicated to the deity Surya, many native festivals are organized all over India.
- It mostly falls at the end of Kharif harvests.
Statewise festivals celebration
- Pongal: In South India and particularly in Tamil Nadu, it’s the festival of Pongal which is being celebrated over 4 days at harvest time.
- Lohri: It is celebrated in North India particularly in Punjab as a traditional winter folk festival or as a popular harvest festival of farmers.
- Bhogi: In Andhra Pradesh, it is celebrated as a four day festival with a bonfire with logs of wood, other solid-fuels, and wooden furniture at home that are no longer useful.
- Magha Bihu: In Assam and many parts of the North East, the festival of Magha Bihu is celebrated. It sees the first harvest of the season being offered to the gods along with prayers for peace and prosperity.
- Uttarayan: Gujarat celebrates it in the form of the convivial kite festival of Uttarayan.
- Saaji: In Shimla District of Himachal Pradesh, Makara Sankranti is known as Magha Saaji. Saaji is the Pahari word for Sankranti, start of the new month. Hence this day marks the start of the month of Magha.
Try this question from our AWE initiative:
Do we have cultural pockets of small India all over the nation? Elaborate with examples. (15 Marks)
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Article 324
Mains level: Paper 2- Need to change the selection process of Election Commissioners
Context
The attendance of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and his Election Commissioner (EC) colleagues at an “informal” meeting with the Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister has brought renewed focus on the independence and impartiality of the Election Commission of India (ECI).
Need for changes in the appointment process
- The changes in the appointment process for ECs can strengthen ECI’s independence, neutrality and transparency.
- The appointment of ECs falls within the purview of Article 324(2) of the Constitution, which establishes the institution.
- Article 324(2) contains a ‘subject to’ clause which provides that both the number and tenure of the ECs shall be “subject to provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament, be made by the President.”
- Apart from enacting a law in 1989 enlarging the number of ECs from one to three, Parliament has so far not enacted any changes to the appointment process.
- In 1975 itself, the Justice Tarkunde Committee recommended that ECs be appointed on the advice of a Committee comprising the Prime Minister, Lok Sabha Opposition Leader and the Chief Justice.
- This was reiterated by the Dinesh Goswami Committee in 1990 and the Law Commission in 2015.
- The 4th Report (2007) of the Second Administrative Reforms Commission additionally recommended that the Law Minister and the Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha be included in such a Collegium.
- Violation of Article 14 and 324: Three Writ Petitions, with one pending since 2015, are urging the Supreme Court to declare that the current practice of appointment of ECs by the Centre violates Article 14, Article 324(2), and Democracy as a basic feature of the Constitution.
- Precedent does exist in the case of Rojer Mathew v South Indian Bank Ltd, to argue against the Executive being the sole appointer for a quasi-judicial body.
- The Supreme Court had recognised that “Election Commission is not only responsible for conducting free and fair elections but it also renders a quasi-judicial function between the various political parties including the ruling government and other parties.”
- In such circumstances, the executive cannot be a sole participant in the appointment of members of Election Commission as it gives unfettered discretion to the ruling party.
Way forward
- Establishing a multi-institutional, bipartisan committee for fair and transparent selection of ECs can enhance the perceived and actual independence of ECI.
- Such a procedure is already followed with regard to other Constitutional and Statutory Authorities such as the Chief Information Commissioner, Lokpal, Vigilance Commissioner, and the Director of the Central Bureau of Intelligence.
Consider the question “What is the procedure for the appointment of Election Commissioners? What are the issues with this procedure? Suggest the way forward.”
Conclusion
ECI’s constitutional responsibilities require a fair and transparent appointment process that is beyond reproach, which will reaffirm our faith in this vital pillar of our polity.
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Note4Students
From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :
Prelims level: Not much
Mains level: Paper 1- Demographic dividend
Context
Countries like Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea have already shown us how demographic dividend can be reaped to achieve incredible economic growth by adopting forward-looking policies and programmes.
The window of demographic opportunity
- With falling fertility (currently 2.0), rising median age (from 24 years in 2011, 29 years now and expected to be 36 years by 2036), a falling dependency ratio (expected to decrease from 65% to 54% in the coming decade taking 15-59 years as the working age population), India is in the middle of a demographic transition.
- This provides a window of opportunity towards faster economic growth. India has already begun to get the dividend.
- As fertility declines, the share of the young population falls and that of the older, dependent population rises.
- If the fertility decline is rapid, the increase in the population of working ages is substantial yielding the ‘demographic dividend’.
- The smaller share of children in the population enables higher investment per child.
- Therefore, the future entrants in the labour force can have better productivity and thus boost income.
- With the passage of time, the share of the older population rises and that of the working age population begins to fall and hence the dividend is available for a period of time, ‘the window of demographic opportunity’.
Need for forward-looking policies
- Without proper policies, the increase in the working-age population may lead to rising unemployment, fueling economic and social risks.
- This calls for forward-looking policies incorporating population dynamics, education and skills, healthcare, gender sensitivity, and providing rights and choices to the younger generation.
Lessons for India
- Countries like Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea have already shown us how demographic dividend can be reaped.
- There are important lessons from these countries for India.
- 1) NTA data: The first is to undertake an updated National Transfer Accounts (NTA) assessment.
- Using NTA methodologies, we find that India’s per capita consumption pattern is way lower than that of other Asian countries.
- A child in India consumes around 60% of the consumption by an adult aged between 20 and 64, while a child in China consumes about 85% of a prime-age adult’s consumption.
- The NTA data for India needs to be updated to capture the progress made on such investments since 2011-12.
- 2) Invest more in children and adolescents: India ranks poorly in Asia in terms of private and public human capital spending.
- It needs to invest more in children and adolescents, particularly in nutrition and learning during early childhood.
- 3) Make health investments: Health spending has not kept pace with India’s economic growth.
- The public spending on health has remained flat at around 1% of GDP.
- Evidence suggests that better health facilitates improved economic production.
- Hence, it is important to draft policies to promote health during the demographic dividend.
- 4) Make reproductive healthcare services accessible on a rights-based approach: We need to provide universal access to high-quality primary education and basic healthcare.
- The unmet need for family planning in India at 9.4% as per the latest National Family Health Survey-5 (2019-21) is high as compared to 3.3% in China and 6.6% in South Korea, which needs to be bridged.
- 5) Bridge gender differentials in education: The gender inequality of education is a concern.
- In India, boys are more likely to be enrolled in secondary and tertiary school than girls. This needs to be reversed.
- 6) Increase female workforce participation: As of 2019, 20.3% of women were working or looking for work, down from 34.1% in 2003-04.
- New skills and opportunities for women and girls befitting their participation in a $3 trillion economy is urgently needed.
- It is predicted that if all women engaged in domestic duties in India who are willing to work had a job, female labour force participation would increase by about 20%.
- 7) Address the diversity between StatesWhile India is a young country, the status and pace of population ageing vary among States.
- Southern States, which are advanced in demographic transition, already have a higher percentage of older people.
- These differences in age structure reflect differences in economic development and health – and remind us of States’ very different starting points at the outset of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals Agenda.
- But this also offers boundless opportunities for States to work together, especially on demographic transition, with the north-central region as the reservoir of India’s workforce.
- 8) Governance reform: A new federal approach to governance reforms for demographic dividend will need to be put in place for policy coordination between States on various emerging population issues such as migration, ageing, skiling, female workforce participation and urbanisation.
Conclusion
In India, the benefit to the GDP from demographic transition has been lower than its peers in Asia and is already tapering. Hence, there is an urgency to take appropriate policy measures.
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