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Agricultural Sector and Marketing Reforms – eNAM, Model APMC Act, Eco Survey Reco, etc.

Agriculture finance in India

| Economics | Mains Paper 3: Agriculture and related issues
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: AOI

Mains level: Paper 3- India's low AOI

Context

While the overall budgetary allocation towards the agricultural sector has marginally increased by 4.4% in the Union Budget 2022-23, the rate of increase is lower than the current inflation rate of 5.5%-6%.

Agricultural Finance in India – A brief history

Phase 1 (1951-69):

  • Thrust on developing primary sector since 1st FYP in 1951.
  • National Credit Council in 1968 emphasized that commercial banks must increase financing to small scale industries and agriculture
  • Nationalization of banks in 1969 put thrust on the opening of rural/semi-urban bank branches

Phase 2 (1970-1990)

  • The decade of 1970s marked the entry of commercial banks into agricultural credit with the Lead Bank Scheme and regulatory prescription of Priority Sector Lending (PSL).
  • Regional Rural Bank Act, 1976 enacted to specifically provide banking and credit facilities for agriculture and
    other rural sectors.
  • National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) was established in 1982 to promote agricultural and rural development, particularly by financing SHGs and MFIs.
  • RBI introduced in 1989 service area approach (SAA) & Annual Credit Plan (ACP) system to increase outreach
    to rural areas.

Phase 3 (1991-onwards)

  • Implementation of Narasimham Committee Report of 1991 to increase the operational efficiency of banks.
  • 1st major nationwide farm loan waiver in 1990.
  • Establishment of the Rural Infrastructure Development Fund (RIDF) with NABARD mainly meant for funding rural infrastructure projects.
  • NABARD started a pilot project SHG-Bank Linkage Programme in 1992.

Mechanisms of Agriculture Credit in India

  • Priority Sector Lending: PSL was introduced to ensure that vulnerable sections of the society get access to credit and that there is an adequate flow of credit to employment-intensive sectors like agriculture and MSME.
  • Interest Subvention Scheme (ISS) was launched for short-term crop loans in 2006-07. 2% interest subvention is given to farmers, which is reimbursed to banks (through RBI and NABARD). Additionally, a 3% prompt repayment incentive (PRI) is provided for good credit discipline.
  • Kisan Credit Card (KCC) Scheme, introduced in 1998, aimed at providing adequate and timely credit with flexible and simplified procedures for agriculture-related and also consumption requirements of farmer households.
  • Self Help Group- Bank Linkage Programme (SHG-BLP) aimed at harnessing the flexibility of an informal system with the strength and affordability of a formal system. The SHG-BLP model accepted informal groups as clients of banks – both deposit and credit linkage & allowed collateral-free lending to groups.
  • Joint Liability Groups (JLG) Scheme was initiated by NABARD in 2006 to enhance credit flow to share croppers/tenant farmers who do not have land rights.

Issues with India’s low spending in agriculture

  • The UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) report for 2001 to 2019 shows that, globally, India is among the top 10 countries in terms of government spending in agriculture, constituting a share of around 7.3% of its total government expenditure.
  • However, India lags behind several low-income countries such as Malawi (18%), Mali (12.4%), Bhutan (12%), Nepal (8%), as well as upper-middle-income countries such as Guyana (10.3%) and China (9.6%).

Low budgetary allocation

a) Low allocation for important schemes

  • Drastic slashing of funds towards the allocation towards important schemes like Market Intervention Scheme and Price Support Scheme (MIS-PSS)- ₹1,500 crores (62% less than the previous allocation of ₹3,959.61 crores in the revised estimates (RE) of FY 2021-22).
  • Similarly, the Pradhan Mantri Annadata Aay SanraksHan Abhiyan (PM-AASHA) was allocated just ₹1 crore for the year as against an expenditure of ₹400 crores in 2021-22.

b) Low Capital Investment

  • Allocation for the promotion of rural development was 5.59% in the previous budget which has been further reduced to 5.23% for the present financial year

Other issues

a) Institutional vis-à-vis Non-Institutional Agricultural Credit: Traditionally, rural agrarian credit needs were met primarily through money-lenders, which led to large-scale indebtedness.

  • According to National All India Rural Financial Inclusion Survey (NAFIS 2015), the share of non-institutional credit still persists at around 28%.
  • Unavailability of credit for consumption purposes and to tenant farmers, sharecroppers, and landless labourers, who are not able to offer collateral security, further pushes them towards non-institutional sources.

b) Skewed agency share in institutional credit: Dependency on scheduled commercial banks in agricultural & allied credit is still large (~78-80% of the credit). Though co-operative institutions (~15%) and Regional Rural Banks (~5%) play a significant role in extending agricultural credit, their share is highly skewed geographically.
c) Regional Disparity in Agricultural Credit: States falling under central, eastern, and northeastern regions are getting very low agri-credit as % of their agri-GDP.
d) Poor deployment of agricultural credit to allied sectors (~6-7%) despite a share of 38-42% in the agricultural output indicates neglect of allied sectors by the banks.
e) Issues with Priority Sector Lending (PSL): Though at the aggregate level banks have been able to achieve the overall PSL target of 40%, so far they have failed to achieve the agriculture target of 18% at the system-wide level. Moreover, ~60% of Small & Marginal Farmers (SMFs) have not been covered by SCBs.
f) Interest Subvention Scheme (ISS) on short-term loans have skewed the distribution of agricultural credit in favor of production credit against crop-related investment credit, which is important for the long-term sustainability of the agriculture sector.
g) Kisan Credit Card: As per Agricultural Census 2015-16, only 45% of the farmers possess operative KCCs. Agricultural households are unable to get credit for their consumption requirements and hence, they are compelled to go-to money lenders.
h) Diversion of agriculture loans for non-agriculture purposes: In many states like Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, etc, agri-credit is far higher than their agri-GDP, indicating the possibility of diversion of
credit for non-agricultural purposes. Diversion accentuates the problem of debt overhang, fuels a high level of indebtedness, and deteriorates credit culture in long run.

Way forward

a) Improve the Reach of Institutional Credit:

  • Complete the digitization process and update land records in a time-bound manner.
  • Reforming of land leasing framework by adopting policies like the Model Land Leasing Act proposed by NITI Aayog, which intends to make all lease agreements formal and enhance access to formal credit.
  • Establish a federal institution in agriculture on the lines of GST Council to enable consultation with states during formulation & implementation of reforms.

b) Addressing regional disparity: PSL guidelines should be revisited for improving the credit off-take in central, eastern, and northeastern states.
c) Increasing Credit Flow to Allied Activities: Set separate targets for loans towards allied activities under Ground Level Credit (GLC) & Priority Sector Lending (PSL) guidelines.
d) Enhancing the sub-target of SMFs under PSL- Considering that the total operated area held by SMFs would amount to 51.85% by the year 2020-21, increase the share of agricultural credit under PSL to SMFs to 10% from the current 8%.
e) Agricultural Loans against Gold as Collateral: Banks should develop an MIS to flag agricultural loans sanctioned against gold as collateral in CBS in order to segregate such loans for effective monitoring of end-use of funds.
f) Utilizing Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs): NABARD should promote women-oriented FPOs by identifying successful women SHGs. Government should expand the scope of its credit guarantee program through Small Farmers’ Agribusiness Consortium (SFAC).
g) Database for Indian Agriculture sector: Develop a centralized database capturing details related to crops cultivated, cropping pattern, output, sown/irrigated area, the health of the soil, natural calamity, etc. Besides, farmer-wise details like identity, land records, loan availed, subsidy given, insurance and details of crop cultivated, etc. should also be captured.
h) Convergence of National Highways development, Rural infrastructure, rural facilities, and increase the number of markets as recommended by the National Commission on Farmers. 

 

Consider the question “What explains India’s low score on Agriculture Orientation Index which is the ratio between government spending towards the agricultural sector and the sector’s contribution to GDP? Suggest the way forward.”

Conclusion

The intensification in government spending towards the agricultural sector is the key to attaining the sustainable development goals of higher agricultural growth and farm income.

 

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Russia

India and the Great Power rivalry

| International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Effect Of Policies & Politics Of World On India'S Interests
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: AUKUS

Mains level: Paper 2- Challenges for India as world moves toward bloc politics

Context

Germany has become a weaker link in the Western coalition against Moscow and Beijing.

The US-Russia-China power dynamics

  • There is a convergence between China and Russia on a range of issues from NATO expansion to the AUKUS alliance. 
  • Despite their problems with the US, both Moscow and Beijing want a productive partnership with Washington.
  • Both Russia and China want to leverage the united front to negotiate better terms from America.
  • Exploiting the contradiction between Russia and China: Washington, in turn, wants to explore the cleavages between Moscow and Beijing.
  • Focus on challenges from China: Biden’s outreach to Putin last year was based on the premise that the US could better focus on the challenges from China in the Indo-Pacific if there was a reasonable relationship with Russia in Europe.
  • Putin is trying to take advantage of that proposition by raising the stakes in Europe.
  • Exploiting economic means: If Putin is focused on military means to rewrite the European security order with the US, Xi is focused on the economic means to alter the US ties.
  • Xi is making a big play for the Wall Street bankers who see merits in engagement with Beijing and lobby Washington to scale down the confrontation with China.

The US resilience

  •  The chaos of American domestic politics and the continuing arguments between the US and its European partners tend to amplify the disagreements within the West.
  •  It would be a mistake for Putin and Xi to mistake Western disagreements for strategic divergence.
  • Consensus on challenging China: The last few years have seen the quick emergence of a new US consensus on challenging China despite the polarisation of the American political class.
  • The idea that the US can’t risk a two-front challenge with Russia and China is popular but mistaken.
  • Power of the US and its allies: Despite the dramatic rise of China and its new partnership with Russia, the united front can’t really match the comprehensive national power of the US and its allies.
  • India is now a strategic partner of the US and faces growing challenges from China.
  • In Asia, Biden has revived the Anglosphere (the AUKUS alliance with the UK and Australia), elevated the Quad to the summit level, and reached out to the ASEAN.
  • In Europe, the US is getting NATO in order.
  • Britain has taken the lead in the diplomatic confrontation with Russia.
  • French President Emmanuel Macron is coordinating with the US in dealing with the Ukraine crisis.
  • Beyond the rebuilding of US alliances, Washington has an important lever which is the exploitation of the domestic political vulnerabilities of “Czar Putin” and “Emperor Xi”.

Challenge for India

  • New dynamics between two coalitions: India’s approach will depend upon the new dynamic between the two coalitions as well as its own relations with China, Russia, and the US.
  • As both sides consolidate their global coalitions, it will get harder to be in the middle.
  • India would like to see Russia find accommodation with the West in Europe; but if Russia’s relations with the West deteriorate further in Europe, Delhi is unlikely to let Moscow undermine its growing partnership with the US and its allies.

Conclusion

With the return of great power rivalry coinciding with India’s deteriorating ties with China, Delhi now stands closer than ever before to the West.

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Electoral Reforms In India

Opinion polls

op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Representation Of People's Act
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Read the attached story

Mains level: Exit and Opinion Polls in India

Every election season, we find television channels flooded with opinion polls and subsequently exit polls after the casting of votes.

What are Opinion Polls?

  • Opinion polls are similar to surveys or an inquiry designed to gauge public opinion about a specific issue or a series of issues in a scientific and unbiased manner.
  • This term has got wide recognition for assessing outcomes of elections in India.
  • In most democracies, opinion and exit polls are common during elections.
  • In India, the ECI allows the dissemination of the exit poll results half an hour after the end of polling on the last poll day.

How are they conducted?

  • Interviewers/reporters ask questions of people chosen at random from the population being measured.
  • Responses are given, and interpretations are made based on the results.
  • It is important in a random sample that everyone in the population being studied has an equal chance of participating.
  • Otherwise, the results could be biased and, therefore, not representative of the population.

Need of such polls

  • Popular opinion: Polls are simply a measurement tool that tells us how a population thinks and feels about any given topic.
  • Specific viewpoint: Polls tell us what proportion of a population has a specific viewpoint.
  • Opportunity to express: Opinion polling gives people who do not usually have access to the media an opportunity to be heard.

Issues with such polls (in context to elections)

  • Authenticity: Critics have often questioned their authenticity.
  • Manipulation of voters: This largely manipulates the voting behavior.
  • Sensationalization by media: The media, on the other hand, invariably opposes the idea of a ban as seat forecasts attract primetime viewership.
  • Ridiculing the public mandate: The exit polls largely disrespect public opinions inciting confusion regarding the election mandate.

Why does it persist in India?

Ans. Exercise of Free Speech

  • The opposition to the ban in India is mainly on the ground that freedom of speech and expression is granted by the Constitution (Article 19).
  • What is conveniently forgotten is that this freedom is not absolute and allows for “reasonable restrictions” in the same article.

Limited restrictions that we have in India

  • RP Act: The Indian Penal Code and Representation of the People Act, 1951 do contain certain restrictions against disinformation.
  • Restrictions on A19: While the Constitution allows for reasonable restrictions on freedom of expression, its mandate to the ECI for free and fair elections is absolute.
  • Supreme Court interpretations: The Supreme Court (SC), in a series of judgments, has emphasized this requirement.
  • Basic structure doctrine: It considers free and fair elections is the basic structure of the Constitution (PUCL vs Union of India, 2003; NOTA judgment, 2013).

Examples of restrictions

  • Restrictions are imposed in many countries, extending from two to 21 days prior to the poll — Canada, France, Italy, Poland, Turkey, Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, to name a few examples.
  • In India, all political parties too have opposed these polls, demanding a ban — except when they are shown as winning.

Why does the ECI feel that opinion polls interfere with free and fair elections?

  • Prevalence of paid news in India: Having seen “paid news” in action, it apprehends that some opinion polls may be sponsored, motivated and biased.
  • Opacity: Almost all polls are non-transparent, providing little information on the methodology.
  • Propaganda: Subtle propaganda on casteist, religious and ethnic basis as well as by the use of sophisticated means like the alleged poll surveys create public distrust in poll process.
  • Disinformation: With such infirmities, many “polls” amount to misinformation that can result in “undue influence”, which is an “electoral offense” under IPC Section 171 (C). It is a “corrupt practice” under section 123 (2) of the RP Act.
  • Betting: The polling agencies manipulate the margin of error, victory margin for candidates, seat projections for a party or hide negative findings.

Call for a ban in India

  • The demand for a ban on opinion polls is not new.
  • At all-party meets called by the Election Commission in 1997 and 2004, there was unanimous demand for a ban.
  • The difference of opinion was only on whether the ban should apply from the announcement of the poll schedule or the date of notification.

Moves by ECI

  • In 1998, the ECI issued guidelines that were challenged in the SC.
  • A five-judge Constitution Bench asked the ECI how it would enforce these decisions in the absence of a law.
  • Realizing its weakness, the ECI withdrew the guidelines.
  • Unfortunately, this left the constitutionality of the issue

Way forward

  • Independent regulator: Ideally a body like the British Polling Council would be a viable option. India could set up its own professional, self-regulated body on the same lines say Indian Polling Council.
  • Mandatory disclosure: All polling agencies must disclose for scrutiny the sponsor, besides sample size, methodology, time frame, quality of training of research staff, etc.

 

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Defence Sector – DPP, Missions, Schemes, Security Forces, etc.

BrahMos Deal and India’s Defence Exports

| Security Issues | Mains Paper 3: Indigenization Of Technology
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Brahmos, MTCR

Mains level: India's defence exports

On January 28, the Philippines signed a $374.96 million deal with BrahMos Aerospace Pvt. Ltd. for the supply of shore-based anti-ship variant of the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile.

Details of the contract

  • The Philippines contract includes delivery of three BrahMos missile batteries, training for operators and maintainers as well as the necessary Integrated Logistics Support (ILS) package.
  • The coastal defence regiment of the Philippine Marines, which is under the Navy, will be the primary employer of the missile system.

What makes the deal special?

  • This is the first export order for the missile which is a joint product between India and Russia and also the biggest defence export contract of the country.
  • This adds impetus to meet the ambitious target set by the Government to achieve a manufacturing turnover of $25 billion in aerospace and defence goods and services by 2025.

What is the BrahMos Missile System?

  • BrahMos is a joint venture between India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyeniya.
  • The missile derives its name from the Brahmaputra and Moskva rivers.
  • Beginning with an anti-ship missile, several variants have since been developed.
  • It is now capable of being launched from land, sea, sub-sea and air against surface and sea-based targets and has constantly been improved and upgraded.

Its range

  • The range of the BrahMos was originally limited to 290 kms as per obligations of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) of which Russia was a signatory.
  • Following India’s entry into the club in June 2016, plans were announced to extend the range initially to 450 kms and subsequently to 600 kms.
  • BrahMos with extended range upto 450 kms has been tested several times since.

Deployments in India

  • The missile has been long inducted by the Indian armed forces.
  • The Army has recently deployed the system along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Arunachal Pradesh.

Which other countries are in discussion for the BrahMos missiles?

  • While the first export order for BrahMos took a long time, the next order is likely to be concluded soon with negotiations with Indonesia and Thailand in advanced stages.
  • Philippines is also looking at several other military procurements from India and South East Asia as the region has emerged as a major focus area for India’s defence exports.
  • For instance, the HAL has received interest from Philippines Coast Guard for procurement of seven Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopters and eight Dornier Do-228 aircraft under the $100mn Line of Credit.
  • In addition, maritime domain and ship building is another potential area for Indian companies in the Philippines.

What is the status of defence exports?

  • India has put out a range of military hardware on sale which includes various missile systems, Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), helicopters, warship and patrol vessels, artillery guns, tanks, radars etc.
  • From 2016-17 to 2018-19, the country’s defence exports have increased from ₹1,521 crore to ₹10,745 crore, a staggering 700% growth.

Steps taken by the Centre to boost defence production

  • Licensing relaxation: Measures announced to boost exports since 2014 include simplified defence industrial licensing, relaxation of export controls and grant of no-objection certificates.
  • Lines of Credit: Specific incentives were introduced under the foreign trade policy and the Ministry of External Affairs has facilitated Lines of Credit for countries to import defence product.
  • Policy boost: The Defence Ministry has also issued a draft Defence Production & Export Promotion Policy 2020.
  • Indigenization lists: On the domestic front, to boost indigenous manufacturing, the Government had issued two “positive indigenization lists” consisting of 209 items that cannot be imported.
  • Budgetary allocation: In addition, a percentage of the capital outlay of the defence budget has been reserved for procurement from domestic industry.

Issues retarding defence exports

  • Excess reliance on Public Sector: India has four companies (Indian ordnance factories, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL)) among the top 100 biggest arms producers of the world.
  • Policy delays: In the past few years, the government has approved over 200 defence acquisition worth Rs 4 trillion, but most are still in relatively early stages of processing.
  • Lack of Critical Technologies: Poor design capability in critical technologies, inadequate investment in R&D and the inability to manufacture major subsystems and components hamper the indigenous manufacturing.
  • Long gestation: The creation of a manufacturing base is capital and technology-intensive and has a long gestation period. By that time newer technologies make products outdated.
  • ‘Unease’ in doing business: An issue related to stringent labour laws, compliance burden and lack of skills, affects the development of indigenous manufacturing in defence.
  • Multiple jurisdictions: Overlapping jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Industrial Promotion impair India’s capability of defence manufacturing.
  • Lack of quality: The higher indigenization in few cases is largely attributed to the low-end technology.
  • FDI Policy: The earlier FDI limit of 49% was not enough to enthuse global manufacturing houses to set up bases in India.
  • R&D Lacunae: A lip service to technology funding by making token allocations is an adequate commentary on our lack of seriousness in the area of Research and Development.
  • Lack of skills: There is a lack of engineering and research capability in our institutions. It again leads us back to the need for a stronger industry-academia interface.

Way forward

  • Reducing import dependence: India was the world’s second-largest arms importer from 2014-18, ceding the long-held tag as the largest importer to Saudi Arabia, says 2019 SIPRI report.
  • Security Imperative: Indigenization in defence is critical to national security also. It keeps intact the technological expertise and encourages spin-off technologies and innovation that often stem from it.
  • Economic boost: Indigenization in defence can help create a large industry which also includes small manufacturers.
  • Employment generation: Defence manufacturing will lead to the generation of satellites industries that in turn will pave the way for a generation of employment opportunities.

Back2Basics: Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR)

  • MTCR is an informal political understanding between countries to limit the spread of missiles and missile technology.
  • MTCR was started by like-minded countries to prevent nuclear proliferation.
  • In 1992, the original focus of the MTCR was to prevent the proliferation of missiles capable of carrying chemical, biological and nuclear warheads and as a threat to international peace and security.

Also read:

Growth of India’s Defence Exports

 

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Freedom of Speech – Defamation, Sedition, etc.

Information and Broadcasting Ministry’s powers to regulate content on TV

| Polity | Mains Paper 2: Ministries & Departments Of The Government
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Information and Broadcasting Ministry

Mains level: Regulation of news channels

The Kerala High Court will pronounce its judgment on an Information and Broadcasting Ministry (I&B) order banning a Malayalam news channel over its connections with radical groups.

Sectors regulated by I&B Ministry

  • Until last year, it had the power to regulate content across all sectors barring the internet.
  • The sectors include TV channels, newspapers and magazines, movies in theatres and on TV, and the radio.
  • Since Feb 2021, the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, extended its regulatory powers over internet content.
  • It now exercises powers especially on digital news and OTT platforms such as Netflix, Amazon Prime, or Hotstar.

What kind of powers does it have?

(a) Film Censoring

  • For example, the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) has a mandate to give any film that will be played in a theatre, a rating indicating the kind of audience it is suitable for.
  • In practice, however, the CBFC has often suggested changes or cuts to a film before giving it a certification.
  • While it isn’t the CBFC’s mandate to censor a film, it can withhold giving a rating unless the filmmaker agrees to its suggestions.

(b) TV Censoring

  • When it comes to TV channels, the government last year came up with a three-tier grievance redressal structure for viewers to raise concerns, if any.
  • A viewer can successively approach the channel, then a self-regulatory body of the industry, and finally the I&B Ministry, can issue a show-cause notice to the channel,.
  • It can then refer the issue to an inter-ministerial committee (IMC).

(c) OTT and other platforms

  • For content on OTT platforms too, there is a similar structure.

Power to Ban news channels

  • It has in the past issued orders to temporarily ban news and other channels.
  • In November 2016, it imposed a one-day ban on NDTV for its reporting of the Pathankot terror attack.
  • Violation can lead to revocation of a channel’s uplinking license (for sending content to a satellite) or downlinking license (for broadcasting to viewers through an intermediary).
  • In print, based on the recommendations of the Press Council of India, the government can suspend its advertising to a publication.
  • And last year’s IT rules allow I&B Ministry to issue orders to ban websites based on their content.

What kind of content is not allowed?

  • There are no specific laws on content allowed or prohibited in print and electronic media, radio, films, or OTT platforms.
  • The content on any of these platforms has to follow the free speech rules of the country.
  • Article 19(1) while protecting the freedom of speech, also lists certain “reasonable restrictions” including content related to the security of the state, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency, morality, etc.
  • Action can be taken if any of these restrictions are violated.

Do other agencies play a role?

  • There is no direct involvement, as the powers to regulate content rest only with the I&B Ministry.
  • However, the ministry relies on inputs from other ministries, as well as intelligence agencies.
  • In the recent case, its licenses were revoked because the Home Ministry had denied it security clearance, which is essential as part of the policy.
  • There is also a new mechanism the I&B Ministry adopts.
  • It has used emergency powers it has under the new IT Rules to block certain YouTube channels and social media accounts based on inputs from intelligence agencies.

 

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Climate Change Impact on India and World – International Reports, Key Observations, etc.

What is Coastal Vulnerability Index (CVI)?

DOMR | Enviro & Biodiversity | Mains Paper 1: Climatic Change
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: CVI

Mains level: Climate vulnerability of coastlines

Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services (INCOIS) has carried out coastal vulnerability assessment for entire Indian coast at states level.

Coastal Vulnerability Index (CVI)

  • Under the CVI, INCOIS has brought out an Atlas comprising 156 maps on 1:1,00,000 scales to prepare a CVI.
  • These maps determine the coastal risks due to future sea-level rise based on the physical and geological parameters for the Indian coast.
  • The CVI uses the relative risk that physical changes will occur as sea-level rises are quantified based on parameters like:
  1. Tidal range
  2. Wave height
  3. Coastal slope
  4. Coastal elevation
  5. Shoreline change rate
  6. Geomorphology
  7. Historical rate of relative sea-level change

Other components: MHVM

  • A coastal Multi-Hazard Vulnerability Mapping (MHVM) was also carried out using above mentioned parameters.
  • These parameters were synthesized to derive the composite hazard zones that can be inundated along the coastal low-lying areas due to extreme flooding events.
  • This MHVM mapping was carried for the entire mainland of India on a 1:25000 scale.
  • These maps depict the coastal low-lying areas exposed to the coastal inundation.

Significance of CVI

  • India has a coastline of 7516.6 Km i.e. 6100 km of mainland coastline plus coastline of 1197 Indian islands touching 13 States and Union Territories (UTs).
  • Coastal vulnerability assessments can be useful information for coastal disaster management and building resilient coastal communities.

What is Coastal Security?

  • Coastal Security is understood as a subset of maritime security. It
    involves the security of the coastal water zone against any threat or challenge that originates from the sea. Coastal water zone refers to the water area seawards of the Indian coast up to the limit of India’s contiguous zone, or the International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) whichever is less.
  • Coastal security has a wide connotation encompassing maritime border management, island security, maintenance of peace, stability and good order in coastal areas and enforcement of laws therein, security of ports, coastal installations, and other structures
    including Vital Areas and Vital Points (VAs/VPs) and vessels and personnel operating in coastal areas. An effective
    organization for coastal security also facilitates coastal defense.

Why is coastal security considered indispensable for India?

  • National Security: The elaborate security arrangements on land forced the terrorists and illegal migrants to look towards the sea where security measures are comparatively lax, enabling them to ‘move, hide and strike’ with relative ease. Plugging this loophole is imperative to enable a holistic national security architecture.
  • Economic development: Coastal region plays an important part in India’s economic development. Security of the region will have a direct bearing on the following areas:
    a) Trade: India’s sea dependence on oil is about 93% which includes India’s offshore oil production and petroleum exports. Further, 95% of India’s trade by volume and 68% of trade by value comes via the Indian Ocean.
    b) Fish production: India is the second-largest fish producer in the world with a total production of 13.7 million metric tonnes in 2018-19 of which 35% was from the maritime sector. In the same period, India had exported Rs 46,589.37 crore worth of marine products.
    c) Strategic minerals: India hosts some of the largest and richest shoreline placers. The beach and dune sands in India contain heavy minerals (HMs) like ilmenite, rutile, garnet, zircon, monazite and sillimanite.
    d) Geostrategic interests: The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become a pivotal zone of global strategic competition.
    e) Dealing with climate-induced crises: Coastal zones are already under threat from environmental degradation. At the same time, the sinking of islands due to the rising sea levels in the Indian Ocean may result in the rise of climate refugees.

How India’s Coastal Security Architecture has evolved over the years?

  • Customs Marine Organisation (CMO), 1974: Created on the recommendation of Nag Chaudhari Committee, it was mandated to conduct anti-smuggling operations. However, since the CMO was temporary in nature, not much attention was paid to strengthening this organisation. In 1982, it was merged with the ICG to avoid the duplication of efforts.
  • Indian Coast Guard (ICG), 1977: With the enactment of the Indian Coast Guard Act, 1978, the organization formally
    came into being as the fourth armed force of India. Its mandates include thwarting smuggling activities, safeguarding and protecting artificial islands, offshore terminals, installations, and other devices in the maritime zone, protecting and assisting fishermen in distress and preserving and protecting the marine environment, including
    controlling marine pollution.
  • Coastal Security Scheme (CSS), 2005: Instituted originally in 2005 and implemented by the Department of Border
    Management, Ministry of Home Affairs. The aim of the CSS was to strengthen infrastructure for patrolling and the surveillance of the coastal areas, particularly the shallow areas close to the coast.
  • Coastal Security Architecture Post ‘26/11’: Since then, the physical assets were built up and human resource capability was
    also enhanced to strengthen the coastal security. These
    efforts include:
    Strengthening the Multilayered Surveillance System: Before 2008, the existing multilayered surveillance system under the CSS was functioning only along the Gujarat and Maharashtra coasts.
    Indian Navy(IN): It was designated as the authority responsible for overall maritime security which includes coastal as well as offshore security. It was also made responsible for the coastal defense of the nation assisted by the ICG, the marine police, and
    other central and state agencies.
    ICG: The Director-General Coast Guard has been designated as the Commander Coastal Command, and is responsible for the overall coordination between central and state agencies in all matters relating to coastal security.
    Border Security Force (BSF): The water wing of the BSF have been deployed along with eight floating border outposts (BOPs), for the security and surveillance of the creeks in Gujarat and the Sunderbans.
    Central Industrial Security Force (CISF): It was entrusted with the responsibility of the physical security of India’s major ports. Vessel Traffic Management Systems (VTMS) are also being installed in all the major and a few non-major ports to monitor and regulate maritime traffic as well as to detect potentially dangerous ships.
    Sagar Suraksha Dal: An informal layer of surveillance, comprising the fishermen community- created following the 1993 Mumbai serial bomb blasts – has also been formalized and activated in all coastal states.
  • National Maritime Domain Awareness (NMDA) Project: It includes an integrated intelligence grid to detect and tackle threats emanating from the sea in real-time. Post 26/11, it has been strengthened by establishing NC3I network and IMAC that generate a common operational picture of activities at sea
    through an institutionalized mechanism.
  • Maritime Theatre Command (MTC): MTC structure is
    proposed to integrate the assets of the Indian Navy, Army, IAF
    and Coast Guard to achieve the goals detailed out in the Joint
    Forces Doctrine (JFD), 2017. It will enable the security forces
    to form a ‘Net-centric’ Warfare model so as to gain an
    an advantage over the adversary using a flexible force structure
    to match the varied geographic domains.
  • Inter-agency maritime exercises: Such exercises help
    build inter-service synergy, interoperability, and
    jointness. These include ‘Sagar Kavach’, ‘Sea Vigil’, TROPEX.
  • Increased cooperation with littoral countries: India
    interacts more actively with littoral states of the Indian Ocean Region and employs maritime security engagement as a cornerstone of her regional foreign policy initiatives.

Gaps in existing architecture

  • Lackadaisical approach of the State governments resulting in the slow pace of construction of coastal infrastructure.
  • Multiplicity of agencies results in poor coordination.
  • Disproportionate focus on terrorism results in less emphasis on non-traditional threats.
  • Lack of professionalism and capacity constraints in marine police forces.
  • Technological backwardnessPort security remains neglected in most of the minor ports.

Ways to fill gaps in the existing architecture

  • Enacting the proposed Coastal Security Bill that will facilitate the creation of NMA.
  • Strengthening the surveillance system
  • Creation of Central Marine Police Force (CMPF)
  • Promulgate the National commercial maritime security policy document for efficient, coordinated, and effective actions.
  • Effective involvement of Coastal communities such as fishermen.
  • Reinforcing Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) regulations
    Recalibrate the defense expenditure to increase capacity and resources.

 

Back2Basics: INCOIS

  • Indian National Centre for Ocean Information Services (INCOIS) is an autonomous body under Ministry of Earth Sciences (MoES).
  • It has been issuing alerts on Potential Fishing Zone, Ocean State Forecast, Tsunami Early Warning, Storm Surge Early Warning, High Wave Alerts, etc.
  • It works through a dedicated ocean modeling, observations, computation facilities and the marine data center.

 

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Sri Lanka

Unitary Digital Identity Framework (UDIF)

Prelims Only | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: India & Its Neighborhood - Relations
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Unitary Digital Identity Framework (UDIF)

Mains level: India's UID technology

India has agreed to provide a grant to Sri Lanka to implement a ‘Unitary Digital Identity Framework’, apparently modelled on the Aadhaar Card.

What is UDIF?

  • UDIF is apparently similar to India’s own Aadhaar.
  • Under the proposed UDIF it is expected to introduce a:
  1. Personal identity verification device based on biometric data
  2. Digital tool that can represent the identities of individuals in cyberspace and
  3. Identification of individual identities that can be accurately verified in digital and physical environments by combining the two devices

(More updates awaited)

Why such move?

  • SL has been receiving substantive economic assistance from India – totalling $ 1.4 billion since the beginning of this year.
  • India is helping the island nation cope with its dollar crunch, and import food, medicines and fuel amid frequent shortages.

 

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Foreign Policy Watch: India – EU

Anchoring the United Kingdom economically to the Indo-Pacific

| International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India
Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: AUKUS

Mains level: Paper 2- India-UK relations

Context

January this year saw the formal launch of negotiations for an India-United Kingdom free trade agreement (FTA).

Momentum in India-UK engagement

  • Despite some potential challenges, there is a new momentum in the India-U.K. bilateral engagement these days with both sides confident of moving forward swiftly.
  • Greater role for UK in Indo-Pacific: Britain has made a trade pact with India one of its post-Brexit priorities as it seeks a greater role in the Indo-Pacific.
  • Brexit has necessitated greater access to non-EU markets, and the U.K.’s changing relationship with China requires a diversification of trading partners.
  • The FTA negotiations were aimed at achieving a “fair and balanced” FTA and cover more than 90% of tariff lines so as to reach the bilateral trade target of around $100 billion by 2030.
  • There have been indications that instead of the two nations trying to tackle all sensitive issues in one go, there could be an interim pact or early harvest deal.

UK’s Indo-Pacific strategy

  • India is at the heart of the U.K.’s Indo-Pacific ‘tilt’, which has generated considerable interest around the world.
  • A range of factors have contributed for the U.K. to adopt a more robust Indo-Pacific strategy:
  • a) the trading implications of Brexit;
  • b) the U.K.’s changing approach towards China — shifting from being a major proponent of China to perhaps the most hawkish in Europe;
  • c) and the fact that the U.S. remains firmly focused on the Indo-Pacific.
  • The U.K. recognizes the importance of a free and open Indo-Pacific to global stability and prosperity and has made clear its intentions to deploy strategic assets to this end.
  • The trilateral security partnership AUKUS has given London a greater voice in the region.

Consider the question “Various factors have contributed towards enhanced India-UK engagement. Examine the factors and the possibilities it offered to the two countries.”

Conclusion

The U.K. is finally carving out a direction and purpose to its post-Brexit foreign policy and this prioritization has opened up a new window for New Delhi and London to quickly finalize their FTA. It is a unique “now or never” moment and the two sides seem willing to seize it despite the challenges.

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