Government Budgets

A plan for the aftermath

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Fiscal deficit. Monetisation of deficit.

Mains level: Paper 3-Suggest the option to get the resources for dealing with the corona pandemic.

Context

Everyone is agreed that the whole world is hurtling towards an unprecedented economic recession. India, already facing a massive slowdown, is going to get hurt perhaps more than the others, because our economic immune system is already weak.

Three things that we must do in the present situation

  • The first is containing the spread of the virus.
  • Apart from the manpower, medicines, protective equipment for frontline workers and other methods, it will need massive resources to tackle it.
  • Second, the poor are already suffering in more ways than one, including the daily wage earners. They will have to be taken care of, again needing massive resources.
  • Third, economic activity will have to be revived as soon as conditions return to normal or near-normal, for which businesses will have to be helped, again needing massive resources; both in terms of revenue foregone and actual cash outgo.
  • The question, therefore, on everyone’s mind is how much money will be needed for all this and where will it come from?
  • What the government and the RBI have done so far is clearly awfully inadequate. Other countries have done much more. India can be no exception.

Where will the government will get resources?

  • Partly from market and partly form RBI: Broadly speaking, resources will come partly through market borrowings and partly from the RBI.
  • Manmohan Singh had decided in 1994 that in future the government of India would not monetise its deficit; in other words, would not borrow from the RBI but go to the money market and borrow from there.
  • Borrow from the RBI: In these unprecedented times, we may take leave from that very sound principle, which all governments have followed religiously since then, and borrow from the RBI.
  • What does it mean? This means printing of more currency notes with all its attendant problems including inflation.
  • Government of India will have to take the steps necessary to tackle the after-effects to the extent possible. It must ensure that the supply chains work smoothly.

How will the money be spent?

  • The Important role of states: The states will have to play a very important role in this, as much of the work will have to be done by them.
  • Responsibility of finance commission: Since the finance commission continues to be in existence and has a clear idea of the state finances, it should be immediately tasked with the responsibility of discussing this matter with the state governments and making its recommendations available within a period of one month.
  • The task force under the finance minister could work out the needs of businesses and the government of India both in the short as well as the medium term.
  • Spending money properly and efficiently: It should not be wasted and each rupee spent creates its own multiplier effect.
  • Our system leaves much to be desired. And the moment it is known that funding is not a constraint, the system can go berserk.
  • We must guard against that and ensure that rules are in place, specially at the field level to ensure the proper use of resources.

Role of banks, financial institutions and MGNREGA

  • The banks and other financial institutions will have to be provided with resources to help the private sector, especially the agricultural and MSME sectors.
  • In the rural areas, we must ensure that durable assets are created out of the funds made available.
  • The rules governing the MGNREGA scheme should be tweaked to the extent necessary in order to ensure that more material than labour is used wherever necessary.

Conclusion

India should and can come out of the present crisis with as little damage as possible if we tackle it together. We cannot control what happens in other countries, but we can surely learn from them and adopt their best practices. We must also play our role in defining the new global order because the world is more intertwined now than ever before.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-China

The new multilateralism

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: WHO's role.

Mains level: Paper 2- How BRICS with India and China as its members poses challenges in its success?

Context

As the major global institutions — from the WHO to the WTO — are experiencing unprecedented turmoil India needs to be pragmatic and fleet-footed.

Reorientation of India’s multilateral strategy

  • As many international institutions, including the World Health Organisation and the United Nations Security Council, come under great stress in the corona crisis, Delhi’s multilateral strategy is going through a rapid reorientation.
  • Realists in Delhi recognise that India’s engagement with the UN is not about the pursuit of some higher ideological calling, but the navigation of hardball geopolitics.

China’s growing influence and implications for India

  • China’s role on Kashmir question: China repeatedly pressed the UN to discuss the Kashmir question after Delhi changed the constitutional status of the region last August.
  • China avoiding discussion on Covid crisis: But through last month, as the rotating chair of the UNSC, China blocked any discussion of the Covid crisis.
  • Beijing insisted that the crisis was not a matter of international peace and security that the UNSC ought to bother itself with.
  • A mere internal administrative change in Kashmir, Beijing continues to insist, is a grave threat to international peace and security.
  • With its veto power, Beijing can simply prevent the UNSC from doing anything against China.

Why the credibility of the UN and WHO bureaucracy is under cloud?

  • Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, jumped quickly into the Indo-Pak arguments over Kashmir, and raised concerns over India’s Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens.
  • Guterres went on an extended visit to Pakistan in February and made an ostentatious public offer to mediate between Delhi and Islamabad on Kashmir.
  • But when it comes to China’s role in the spread of the coronavirus, Guterres can’t seem to find the words.
  • The situation at the WHO is a lot worse.
  • The Director-General of WHO, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus warns against the dangers of “politicising” the Covid crisis.
  • Many in Europe and the US think that is exactly what Tedros has done at the WHO in the last few months.
  • Breakdown of the multilateral system: What we are witnessing is the breakdown of the multilateral system that emerged from the ashes of the Second World War amidst the deepening contestation between the world’s foremost powers — the US and China.

NEW MULTILATERALISM adopted by India

  • India’s new multilateralism — as a pragmatic response to external change — involves downplaying some past associations and strengthening new partnerships.
  • Take, for example, two innovations India has made since the end of the Cold War.
  • One was the BRICS forum with Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa and the other was the so-called Quad — a coalition of democracies with Australia, Japan and the US.
  • Actions of BRICS members with respect to India: As India reorders its multilateral priorities amid the corona crisis, the BRICS forum is losing some of its salience and the Quad is gaining traction.
  • Preventing discussion on COVID crisis: Two of India’s partners in BRICS — Russia and South Africa — had reportedly backed the efforts of a third, China, to prevent a discussion of the COVID crisis in the UNSC.
  • If Delhi were sitting in the UNSC right now as a non-permanent member, it would have had every interest in pressing for a discussion of the COVID crisis that has severely damaged India’s economic and social prospects.
  • Meanwhile, India is in regular consultations on managing the corona crisis with the “Quad Plus” grouping that draws in South Korea, Vietnam and New Zealand.
  • Neither the BRICS nor the Quad square with the conventional narrative on India’s multilateralism that was dominated in the past by the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the G-77.
  • As circumstances change, India is finding new international partners to secure its interests.

Context which gave rise to BRICS

  • It started out as a triangular coalition with Russia and China in the mid-1990s.
  • India’s interest in the RIC was borne out of fear of the unipolar moment and Russia’s relentless efforts to draw it into a “strategic triangle” that would resist “American hegemony”.
  • In the early 1990s, Delhi was rather wary of the Bill Clinton Administration’s plans to relieve India of its nuclear and missile programmes.
  • What made matters worse was the Clinton Administration’s formulation that “Kashmir is the world’s most dangerous nuclear flashpoint”.
  • This was not just a description; it was accompanied by a prescription for Delhi: Resolve the Kashmir question by sitting down with Pakistan and the Hurriyat.
  • If Delhi needs any help, Washington will be happy to chip in.
  • Balancing the US pressure: Going into a political tent with Russia and China seemed a sensible bet to ward off American pressures on the nuclear and Kashmir questions.

Two decades after BRICS-Changes in circumstances

  • Two decades later, we are in a very different place.
  • Take the same two issues — Kashmir and the nuclear programme — that drove India into the BRICS.
  • China’s role on Kashmir issue: It is Beijing that wants the UNSC to take up the Kashmir question, and it is Paris and Washington that are preventing it.
  • NSG membership blocked by China: China has also resolutely blocked India’s effort to become a full member of the global nuclear order by joining the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
  • On the nuclear front too, it was France and the US that helped India break the nuclear blockade.
  • Shielding of Pakistan by China: China shields Pakistan from international pressures to end cross-border terrorism.
  • And it is India’s partners in the West and the Muslim world that are helping Delhi cope better with violent extremism.

India’s engagement with Europe

  • India has also discovered the new possibilities for engaging Europe in the multilateral arena.
  • Europe as an important partner: If India’s definition of multilateralism — Afro-Asian solidarity — immediately after Independence was defined in opposition to colonial Europe, Delhi now sees Europe as a valuable partner in rearranging the global order.
  • India has joined the “alliance for multilateralism” initiated by Germany and supported by its European partners.

Conclusion

India needs all the pragmatism it can muster to pursue its interests in a world where all the major global institutions — from the WHO to the WTO — are experiencing unprecedented turmoil and are heading towards an inevitable restructuring.

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Economic Indicators and Various Reports On It- GDP, FD, EODB, WIR etc

A time for extraordinary action

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3- Stimulus package on the lines of package declared by developed countries is necessary for Indian economy to deal with the pandemic.

Context

The lockdown and other movement restrictions, backed by scientific and political consensus on their inevitability, have directly led to a dramatic slowdown in economic activity across the board. What is its impact on the Indian economy? This question calls for an urgent answer.

The methodology used to estimate the impact

  • We provide an initial, quantitative response, using a methodology that is based on the technique of input-output (IO) models, first elaborated by the economist Wassily Leontief.
  • How the model works: Such models provide detailed sector-wise information of output and consumption in different sectors of the economy and their inter-linkages, along with the sum total of wages, profits, savings, and expenditures in each sector and by each section of final consumers (households, government, etc.).
  • Crucially, it pays attention to intermediate consumption, namely consumption by some sectors of the output of other sectors (as well as consumption within their own sector).
  • Advantage of the model: The key advantage of such a model is that it allows the calculation of the impact of any change in any sector in both direct and indirect terms, which has made this model somewhat ubiquitous in the computation of the economic impact of disasters.
  • This also renders it well-suited to estimating the economic consequences of COVID-19.
  • Regrettably, the last officially published IO table for India was for the year 2007-2008.
  • In our estimates, we use the IO tables for India published by the World Input-Output Database for the year 2014 that updates the IO tables for individual countries using time series of national income statistics.
  • To calculate the impact of the lockdown, there are four different scenarios of the number of workdays lost in different sectors.
  • How daily output loss is calculated? Assuming that the estimated annual output is distributed uniformly across the year, it is possible to calculate the daily output and therefore the daily output loss.
  • The direct and indirect impacts of the lockdown are then estimated using IO multipliers which are assumed to be constant.
  • We then calculate the percentage decline in the national gross domestic product (GDP) of 2019-2020 that this impact amounts to.

What is the impact on various sectors?

  • Loss at 7% to 33% of GDP: Model (see table) shows that the loss of GDP ranges from ₹17 lakh crore (7% of GDP) in the most conservative scenario, where the average number of output days lost is only 13, to ₹73 lakh crore (33% of GDP) in the most impactful scenario, where the number of days of lost output averages 67.
  • In intermediate scenarios of 27 and 47 days of lost output, the GDP decline is ₹29 lakh crore (13% of GDP) and ₹51 lakh crore (23% of GDP), respectively.
  • OECD estimate: These estimates also accord well with other estimates, such as those of the OECD that suggest a 20% loss to GDP for India.
  • Impact of varying lockdown period: Even assuming that sectors will have varying lockdown periods, all sectors face serious losses due to their
  • If we take the scenario where a prolonged lockdown happens, averaging about 47 days across sectors, we find that the mining sector faces the largest drop of 42% in value-added despite that sector itself being shut down for, say, 35 days.
  • The electricity sector sees a 29% fall in value-added, even though it faces no shut down per se.
  • Losses are expected across all sectors in terms of both wage compensation and the availability of working capital.

Incorporation of feedback effect in estimates

  • The linear character of our estimates, intrinsic to IO analysis, does not allow incorporation of feedback effects and assumes that output commences where it left off without further constraints.
  • An attempt has been made to correct for this by using a varying number of days of output loss across sectors, but this is quite possibly inadequate to capture the continuing economic impact.
  • We are faced today with a unique situation where both supply and demand have collapsed in several sectors.
  • Impact on agriculture: In some sectors such as agriculture, the impact may manifest in the delayed fashion, if the anti-COVID-19 measures, or the pandemic itself, affects agricultural operations in the next the kharif season, even if, as reports suggest, much of this year’s rabi has been successfully harvested.
  • The shortfall in export not accounted for: Given the database, we are using and the initial character of our analyses we have also not explicitly accounted for possible shortfalls in exports due to lack of demand elsewhere in the world, as well as the unavailability of intermediate imported goods that are crucial for the Indian economy.
  • Nor are we able to adequately separate the impact on the informal sector, that is partially aggregated with the formal sector in the database that we are using and partially unaccounted for due to lack of data.

Need for the huge stimulus package

  • The most striking feature of even this simple calculation is the all-round pervasive impact on the economy of the anti-COVID-19 measures that we are currently undertaking and that are likely to continue in modified form for a short period.
  • Measures such as debt relief, postponement of revenue and tax collections, immediate relief in cash and kind to the poor, and revamping and scaling up public distribution are all undoubtedly necessary but far from sufficient.
  • Our numbers suggest that the resort to huge stimulus packages that developed countries have already started putting in place is by no means mistaken.

Way forward

  • Package for all the sectors of the economy: We need to compensate and pump cash into the hands of not only wage workers in the formal and informal sectors, and also into the livelihood activities of the informal sector.
  • But businesses too need to be primed with handouts in the case of small and medium enterprises, and with a variety of concessions even in the case of larger businesses.
  • It is critical to preserve the productive capacities of the Indian economy across the board. The annual budget of the current year, already passed, clearly cannot cope with such a massive effort and needs to be revisited by suitable parliamentary measures.
  • Caring too much about fiscal deficit will not be helpful: Redistributing expenditure, seeking to keep the fiscal deficit “under control” as it were, through measures such as cutting back on government salaries, are unlikely to be helpful.
  • Apart from sending the wrong signal to private sector employers, who have so far been exhorted to maintain salaries and wages during the lockdown, it is quite likely to lead to further reduction in demand since the government is the biggest employer in the country.
  • Ensure the key role of the state: Finally, one must note that the current crisis is not a transformatory moment for the Indian economy, even if the scale of the impact and recovery process will undoubtedly push the economy in new directions.
  • But “greening” the economy or more radical transformative measures are not particularly relevant in its current state.
  • What is needed is ensuring the key role of the state to lift up an economy that is in danger of being brought to its knees, and to restore some semblance of its normal rhythm, by an unprecedented scale of state investment.

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Communicable and Non-communicable diseases – HIV, Malaria, Cancer, Mental Health, etc.

The law cannot fall silent

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 2-In fight against covid-19 epidemic we must follow the principles of international laws and treaty obligations.

Context

Amid the many developments in the wake of Covid-19 pandemic one of the facets that is also discussed is-How to read international law in the context of the pointers to the future?

Constitutional duty regarding international laws

  • Respect for the norms and standards of international law is among the paramount constitutional duties of the state under Article 51 of the Constitution.
  • The duty is regardless of the quibbles on whether the language here refers only to treaty/obligations or also to customary international law.
  • International norms remain relevant: Despite US President Donald Trump’s recent threat of actions against the WHO, international norms, standards, and doctrines remain relevant to making national policy and law.

Possibility of discussion over pandemic at UNSC

  • The difference between the United Nations as a site of normative discursivity and as a site of doing global power politics is sadly manifest even now in the accelerated pace of the pandemic.
  • Discussion extremely unlikely: President Trump’s insistence on calling it a “Chinese virus” renders it extremely unlikely that the pandemic will be discussed during the current monthly presidency of the UN Security Council by China.
  • Possibility of veto: The threat of veto by China and Russia will always loom large whenever the matter is placed for discussion.

Role of the UN in the codification of law

  • The UN is also a site of systems of norm enunciation.
  • Along with the International Law Commission, it is responsible for the progressive codification of law.
  • The UN system has developed lawmaking and framework treaties as well as provided auspices for systems of “soft” law that may eventually become the binding law.
  • There are three types of international laws which are described below.

1. The fundamental overriding principle of international laws

  • Jus cogens: Some of the norms of international law are robust and deeply relevant. For example, the peremptory jus cogens — a few fundamental, overriding principles of international law such as crimes against humanity, genocide, and human trafficking apply to all states.
  • And Article 53 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties goes so far as to declare that a “treaty is void if, at the time of its conclusion, it conflicts with a peremptory norm of general international law”.
  • And even when ingredients of genocide remain difficult to prove, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has held, in 2007, that states have a duty to prevent and punish acts and omissions that eventually furnish elements for the commission of crime of genocide.
  • Erga omnes: There also exist erga omnes rules prescribing specifically-determined obligations which states owe to the international community as a whole.
  • This was enunciated by the ICJ in 1970 for four situations — the outlawing of acts of aggression; the outlawing of genocide; protection from slavery; and protection from racial discrimination.
  • A great significance of this judicial dictum is that it lays down obligations which transcend consensual relations among states.
  • In addition, there are three other sets of international law obligations.
  • These are primarily derived from the no-harm principles crystallised in the International Law Commission’s 2001 Draft Articles on the Prevention of Transboundary Harm (DAPTH) and the Paris Framework Agreement on Climate Change, 2015.
  • The DAPTH has carefully developed norms of due diligence, stressing all the way that these may be adapted to contextual exigencies.
  • But due diligence obligations certainly extend beyond local and national boundaries, especially because the environmental problems have a transboundary impact.
  • Each state is obliged to observe these standards in the fight against COVID-19 as a matter of international law.

2. International laws dealing with core human right measures

  • No law or policy to combat epidemics or pandemic can go against the rights of migrant workers, internally displaced peoples, and refugees and asylum seekers.
  • Respect for the inherent dignity of individuals in combating COVID-19 and for the rights of equal health for all, non-discrimination, and the norms of human dignity further reinforce accountability and the transparency of state and other social actors.
  • Panicky and sadist policing, including shoot-a- sight orders in collective exodus situations, and militaristic responses to food riots de-justify health lockouts and curfews.

3. International humanitarian law

  • The third set of obligations arises out of international humanitarian law. The Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) is pertinent here.
  • India did not subscribe to any conspiracy or racist theory about the origins of COVID-19 — in fact, India’s foreign minister rightly affirmed the BTWC obligations on March 26 (on the 40th anniversary of that Convention).
  • Surely, this global and non-discriminatory disarmament convention deserves applause because it outlaws a whole range of weapons of mass destruction.
  • India has, and rightly so, called for “high priority” to “full and effective implementation by all states parties”.

Conclusion

The starting point of a determined fight against COVID-19 has to be a full-throated repudiation of an ancient Latin maxim, inter arma enim silent leges (in times of war, the law falls silent). Combating this fearsome pandemic calls for re-dedication to nested international law obligations and frameworks.

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Government Budgets

Financing the pandemic rescue package

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3-Options that government explore to finance the package announced in the wake of corona epidemic.

Context

The priority for India is to ensure that it overcomes the COVID-19 pandemic and kick-starts GDP growth.

Financing strategy for the 1.7 lakh crores package

  • Rather than fix the weaknesses in the macroeconomy: a high fiscal deficit of 7.49% and government indebtedness that was 69% of GDP in 2019, the government wants to overcome the pandemic.
  • When COVID-19 cases began to increase, the Government of India (GoI) swung into action by announcing a 21-day national lockdown and a ₹1.7-lakh crore (approximately $22.59 billion) rescue package.
  • Financing strategy: Available in the state disaster relief fund is ₹60,000 crore, comprising ₹30,000 crore of the outstanding balance and the Central government’s allocation of a similar amount for FY2021.
  • Hence, the GoI needs to raise an additional ₹1.1-lakh crore,e., 65% of the rescue package outlay.
  • Its financing strategy should be to raise long-term funds at cost-effective rates, with flexible repayment terms that allow it to take tactical advantage of market movements.
  • Following are some of the options that the government can explore to raise the required amount.

1. GDP-linked bonds

  • The GoI may issue listed, Indian rupee-denominated, 25-year GDP-linked bonds that are callable from, say, the fifth year.
  • What GDP-linked means? The coupon (interest) on a GDP-linked bond is correlated to the GDP growth rate and is subject to a cap.
  • The issuer, the GoI, is liable to pay a lower coupon during years of slower growth and vice-versa.
  • The callable feature from the fifth year till maturity allows the GoI to effect partial repayments during high growth years and when it earns non-recurring revenues such as proceeds from disinvestment of public sector enterprises (PSEs).
  • The listing of bonds provides investors with an exit option.
  • Examples from the world: Costa Rica, Bulgaria and Bosnia-Herzegovina issued the first pure GDP-linked bonds in the 1990s.
  • Argentina and Greece issued warrant-like instruments similar to GDP-linked bonds in 2005 and 2012 respectively. India could learn from their experience.
  • Timely GDP data is a prerequisite: Publishing reliable and timely GDP data is a prerequisite for the successful issue of GDP-linked bonds, which the GoI may use to part-finance the COVID-19 rescue package and to diversify its borrowing sources.

2. Streamlining PSEs

  • The 15 largest non-financial central PSEs (CPSEs) in the S&P BSE CPSE index contributed approximately 75% of the GoI’s ₹48,256.41 crore dividend income from PSEs in FY2020.
  • The Union Budget projected PSE dividends to increase by 25% to ₹65,746.96 crore in FY2021.
  • This milestone is unlikely to be achieved in the current environment.
  • The 15 CPSEs have accumulated sizeable non-core assets including financial investments, loans, cash and bank deposits in excess of their operating requirements, and real estate.
  • The return on these assets (excluding real estate) is around 200 basis points lower than the returns on their core businesses.
  • These CPSEs owe the government ₹25,904 crore as of end-March 2019.
  • These non-core assets must be monetised to repay statutory dues and upstream dividends to GoI.
  • Formation of HOLDCO: While loans and excess cash and bank deposits may be monetised within three months, streamlining investments and selling real estate is a time-consuming process.
  • It is imperative for the GoI to form a PSE and public sector bank holding company (‘Holdco’) along the lines of Singapore’s Temasek Holdings and Malaysia’s Khazanah Nasional Berhad.
  • The Holdco will enable PSEs to monetise their non-core assets at remunerative prices, maximise their enterprise value and focus on their core businesses.
  • The ₹30,168 crore loans that CPSEs have extended to employees, vendors and associates may be securitised or refinanced, with CPSEs guaranteeing loans extended to weak counterparties.
  • Excess liquidity with PSEs: It is essential that businesses maintain liquidity, especially during a downturn. However, the outstanding cash and bank deposits of the 15 CPSEs (₹64,253 crore) is in excess of their operating requirements.
  • CPSEs must determine the cash they require to meet, say, six months of operating expenses and use the excess cash to repay statutory dues and upstream dividends to the GoI.
  • Banks must extend to CPSEs committed lines of credit that the latter may draw down during exigencies.
  • Financial investments of PSEs be transferred to HOLDCO: The 15 CPSEs have accumulated ₹93,562 crore financial investments comprising listed and unlisted debt, equity and mutual fund units.
  • These exclude investments in associates and joint ventures.
  • The CPSEs ought to transfer these investments to Holdco, which can manage the portfolio and transfer the returns to the original investors.
  • Real estate holdings of PSEs: One important non-core asset, whose value is likely to exceed the combined value of other non-core assets, is the real estate holdings of PSEs.
  • In September 2018, the GoI identified properties of nine PSEs (Air India, Pawan Hans, Hindustan Fluorocarbons, Hindustan Newsprint, Bharat Pumps & Compressors, Scooters India, Bridge and Roof Co, Hindustan Prefab, and Projects & Development India) to be divested.
  • The GoI must mandate all PSEs and government departments to transfer their non-core properties to Holdco, which can opportunistically sell these properties and transfer the proceeds to the owners.

Refrain from asking RBI to pay more dividend

  • The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has allocated ₹1 lakh crore to carry out long-term repo operations in tranches and has reduced the repo rates by 75 basis points to 4.4% to help banks augment their liquidity in the wake of the pandemic.
  • Recognising the RBI’s liquidity requirements, the GoI must refrain from asking the RBI to pay more dividends that it can viably pay.
  • During the five years ending on June 30, 2019, the RBI paid the GoI 100% of its net disposable income, with its FY2019 dividends more than trebling to ₹1.76 lakh crore from ₹50,000 crore in FY2018.
  • The Bimal Jalan panel constituted in 2019 to review the RBI’s economic capital framework opined that the RBI may pay interim dividends only under exceptional circumstances and that unrealised gains in the valuation of RBI’s assets ought to be used as risk buffers against market risks and may not be paid as dividends.

Conclusion

The Bimal Jalan panel recommendation must be adhered to in letter and spirit. The GoI may finance the COVID-19 rescue package by issuing GDP-linked bonds, tapping PSEs’ excess liquidity and monetising non-core assets.

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Finance Commission – Issues related to devolution of resources

Needed, greater decentralisation of power

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Federal system.

Mains level: Paper 2-Why it is said that there is a paradox in the federal system of India? Covid-19 has highlighted the need for decentralisation in India.

Context

Even as States have taken up positions of leadership in the pandemic response, federal limitations are becoming hurdles.

State governments at the position of leadership

  • In the fight against the pandemic, one of the striking features of governance has been the signal role played by State Chief Ministers across India.
  • Proactive measures: Even before the Union government invoked the Disaster Management Act, 2005, many State governments triggered the Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897, and installed a series of measures to combat what was then an oncoming onslaught of COVID-19.
  • These actions have not always been perfect. Some of them have even disproportionately trenched upon basic civil liberties.
  • But, by and large, they have been tailored to the reality faced on the ground by the respective governments.
  • Policies to address local concerns: States such as Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan, and Karnataka have shaped their policies to address their direct, local concerns.
  • They have communicated these decisions to the public with clarity and consideration, helping, in the process, to lay out a broad framework for the nation.
  • Not just the laboratories of democracy: In doing so, they have acted not merely as “laboratories of democracy”, to paraphrase the former U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis, but also as founts of reasoned authority.

Federal arrangements placing limitations on the states

  • Equally, though, as much as State governments have taken up positions of leadership, they have repeatedly found themselves throttled by the limitations of the extant federal arrangement.
  • The Centre for Policy Research has pointed out at least three specific limitations.
  • Funds and structuring own package: The inability of States to access funds and thereby structure their own welfare packages.
  • Curbs imposed by PFMS: The curbs imposed by a public finance management system (PFMS) that is mired in officialdom.
  • This has prevented States from easily and swiftly making payments for the purchase of health-care apparatus such as ventilators and personal protective equipment.
  • Disruption of supply chains: Three, the colossal disruption of supply chains not only of essential goods and services but also of other systems of production and distribution, which has placed States in a position of grave economic uncertainty.
  • Need to decentralise: As these limitations demonstrate an urgent need to decentralise administration, where States — and local bodies acting through such governments — are allowed greater managerial freedom.
  • Under such a model, the Union government will command less but coordinate more.

Indian federalism-two distinct levels

  • There are varying accounts of what Indian federalism truly demands.
  • Two levels: What is manifest from a reading of the Constitution is that it creates two distinct levels of government: one at the Centre and the other at each of the States.
  • The Seventh Schedule to the Constitution divides responsibilities between these two layers.
  • The Union government is tasked with matters of national importance, such as foreign affairs, defence, and airways.
  • But the responsibilities vested with the States are no less important. Issues concerning public health and sanitation, agriculture, public order, and police, among other things, have each been assigned to State governments.
  • In these domains, the States’ power is plenary.
  • This federal architecture is fortified by a bicameral Parliament.
  • Significantly, this bicameralism is not achieved through a simple demarcation of two separate houses, but through a creation of two distinct chambers that choose their members differently-
  • A House of the People [Lok Sabha] comprising directly elected representatives and a Council of States [Rajya Sabha] comprising members elected by the legislatures of the States.

Financial autonomy of the states

  • Ensuring financial autonomy: In formulating this scheme of equal partnership, the framers were also conscious of a need to make States financially autonomous.
  • No overlap: To that end, when they divided the power to tax between the two layers of government they took care to ensure that the authority of the Union and the States did not overlap.
  • Therefore, while the Centre, for example, was accorded the power to tax all income other than agricultural income and to levy indirect taxes in the form of customs and excise duties, the sole power to tax the sale of goods and the entry of goods into a State was vested in the State governments.
  • The underlying rationale was simple: States had to be guaranteed fiscal dominion to enable them to mould their policies according to the needs of their people.

History of paradox in federal system of India

  • Despite this plainly drawn arrangement, the history of our constitutional practice has been something of a paradox.
  • It is invariably at the level of the States that real development has fructified.
  • But the Union has repeatedly displayed a desire to treat States, as the Supreme Court said in R. Bommai v. Union of India, as mere “appendages of the Centre”.
  • Time and again, efforts have been made to centralise financial and administrative power, to take away from the States their ability to act independently and freely.
  • Following five examples demonstrated that the point made here.

1 Matters of finance-what was expected in theory did not realise

  • Consider the widely hailed decision to accept the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendation for an increase in the share of the States in total tax revenues from 32% to 42%.
  • While, in theory, this ought to have enabled the States to significantly increase their own spending, in reality, as a paper authored by Amar Nath H.K. and Alka Singh of the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy suggests, this has not happened.
  • What went wrong? Gains made by the States, as the paper underlines, have been entirely offset by a simultaneous decline in share of grants and by a concomitant increase in the States’ own contribution towards expenditures on centrally sponsored schemes.

2. Goods and Service Tax

  • The decline in the sovereignty of the states: Notably, the creation of a Goods and Services Tax regime, which far from achieving its core purpose of uniformity has rendered nugatory the internal sovereignty vested in the States.
  • By striking at the Constitution’s federal edifice, it has made the very survival of the States dependent on the grace of the Union.
  • The tension today is so palpable that a number of the States are reported to have written to the Union Finance Ministry.
  • More than four months’ worth of Goods and Services Tax compensation to the States — reportedly totalling about a sum of ₹40,000 crore — remains unreleased.

3. Passing a bill as a money bill

  • The Union government’s centralising instinct, though, has not been restricted to matters of finance.
  • It has also introduced a slew of legislation as money bills, in a bid to bypass the Rajya Sabha’s sanction, even though these laws scarcely fit the constitutional definition.

4. Role of the Governors

  • Similarly, the role of the Governors has been weaponised to consolidate political power.

5. Article 370

  • But perhaps most egregious among the moves made is the gutting of Article 370 and the division of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories.
  • It was done without securing consent from the State Legislative Assembly.

Conclusion

Perhaps a crisis of the kind that COVID-19 has wrought will show us that India needs greater decentralisation of power; that administration through a single central executive unit is unsuited to its diverse and heterogeneous polity. We cannot continue to regard the intricate niceties of our federal structure as a nettlesome trifle. In seeing it thus, we are reducing the promise of Article 1 of the Constitution, of an India that is a Union of States, to an illusory dream.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Japan

The wilting Sakura

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 2- New avenues for cooperation between India and Japan.

Context

A resilient nation, Japan has risen from the ashes, phoenix-like, each time. It is now confronting COVID-19, which has wreaked havoc on global financial and economic systems and disrupted production, supply chains and markets.

The cruise ship incident and no reprieve to the Japanese from Covid-19

  • COVID-19 received a high-rating televised start in Japan with the cruise ship, Diamond Princess, steaming into Tokyo Bay with 3,711 passengers on board and quickly being quarantined.
  • Over the next month, with more than 700 cases of infection on-board, it remained the single-largest cluster outside China.
  • Gradually, as numbers swelled exponentially elsewhere and the incidence of new cases remained low locally, the Japanese went back to their ways, with holiday crowds celebrating the annual Hanami (sakura viewing) season in idyllic spots
  • It seemed as if the Japanese had dodged the bullet even as it delayed until April 3 the blocking of tourists from 70-odd countries, including China, which accounted for nearly 9.6 million tourists in 2019, one-third of the total.
  • With new infections mounting in recent days, the reprieve, it seems, was as ephemeral as the bloom of the sakura.

Postponing the Olympics

  • The biggest collateral damage of the fresh wave of COVID-19 infections in Japan is the belated decision to postpone the Tokyo Olympics to 2021.
  • It reminded the nation of the jinxed Olympics of 1940, which Japan was to host but fell victim to the Second Sino-Japanese War.
  • If the 1940 Olympics were intended to showcase Japan’s industrial and economic resurrection after the devastation of the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake, the 1964 Tokyo Olympics had symbolised the economic miracle in Japan after the ravages of the Second World War.
  • The 2020 Olympics, dubbed by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as the “Recovery and Reconstruction Games”, were to demonstrate Japan’s mojo in the aftermath of the 2011 Triple Disaster.
  • Reports indicate that Japan has already spent $12.6 billion on the preparations for the Olympics.
  • Nikkei and Goldman Sachs estimate that the postponement of the games would easily set Japan back by another $5-6 billion.

Impact on economy

  • Recession in the world: The pandemic could not have come at a worse time. The IMF has confirmed that COVID-19 has pushed the global economy into a recession, potentially much worse than the one in 2009.
  • The Japanese economy now faces the daunting prospect of a sharp contraction, with the OECD Report for March 2020 forecasting its GDP growth at 0.2 per cent in 2020.
  • Even before the global pandemic struck, Japan was dealing with the adverse effects on consumer spending of the hike in consumption tax from 8 per cent to 10 per cent.
  • Dwindling demand from China, where Japan has huge economic stakes, can only worsen the regional economic outlook already strained by US-China trade friction.
  • Abe’s decision this week to declare a month-long state of emergency in Tokyo and six other prefectures, alongside the release of a gargantuan stimulus package worth nearly $1 trillion, including cash doles and financial support to households and businesses, may help turn the tide.
  • However, providing healthcare to a rapidly ageing population in the face of an abrupt disruption in the sizeable inward flow of foreign care-givers will prove a daunting challenge.
  • Meanwhile, several prefectures that depend heavily on tourism from China and the Republic of Korea have suffered deep losses.

Impact on Japan’s international commitments and initiatives

  • As one of the world’s richest countries, Japan can perhaps hope to cushion itself from such blows.
  • Whether the economic distress unleashed by COVID-19 also adversely impacts some of Japan’s commitments to its Official Development Assistance (ODA) or outlays for regional infrastructure and connectivity under flagship programmes such as the Expanded Partnership for Quality Infrastructure (EPQI), the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and the Indo-Pacific Business Forum, including the Blue Dot Network and LNG projects, remains to be seen.
  • This could well be true of the US too, in the context of the International Development Finance Corporation under the BUILD Act, aimed at countering China’s expanding writ across the region.

Implications for Indo-Pacific region

  • The pandemic could have broader implications for military postures in the Indo-Pacific.
  • As it was seen in the outbreak of the COVID-19 virus onboard the US Navy’s Theodore Roosevelt, which had sailed from San Diego in January for a scheduled Indo-Pacific deployment.
  • It is at the centre of a controversy involving the sacking of its captain and the vessel’s ill-advised port visit to Da Nang in Vietnam earlier in March despite the high risk of contagion.
  • Of course, China’s PLA Navy (PLAN) could well be grappling with similar problems out at sea but, unlike in the democratic world, these facts will be treated as “state secrets”.
  • Opportunity for China to further its influence: As China gradually recovers from the pandemic, relatively earlier and faster than the West, Beijing’s “charm offensive” and leveraging of its deep pockets may help it to further its geopolitical influence.
  • Its assistance to developing countries in mitigating the impact of COVID-19 will create new scope to proselytise its governance and development models.

India-Japan relations

  • Japan-China relations: A high-profile casualty of the pandemic is Chinese President Xi Jinping’s long-pending visit to Tokyo.
  • But Japan’s “mask diplomacy” and generous assistance to China at the start of the pandemic augur well for Sino-Japanese ties, which have improved in recent years, their inveterate differences notwithstanding.
  • India visit by Japan: Abe’s postponed visit to India, earlier scheduled to take place at the end of 2019, will be hard to resurrect before the pandemic is completely under control.
  • Nevertheless, the fundamental convergence of interests and the extraordinary political capital invested in the relationship by both PM Modi and Abe in recent years ensures that the Special Strategic and Global Partnership between India and Japan will remain robust.
  • New vistas for India-Japan cooperation: The pandemic opens up new vistas for cooperation in healthcare, non-traditional security and global governance, including reform of the UN and affiliated bodies such as the WHO whose contributions in the battle against COVID-19 are moot.

How Japan tackled the pandemic so far?

  • So far, Japan had relied on its customary discipline and prevention methods, with an exhortation to the public to avoid the “three Cs” — closed spaces, crowded places and conversations at close proximity.
  • No lockdown: Japan has shied away from taking the bold approach that Modi took in announcing a 21-day nationwide lockdown.
  • The declaration of a state of emergency covering the megacities of Tokyo and Osaka and some prefectures would give local governors in the hardest-hit areas greater legal authority to impose curbs, albeit without the power to impose penalties.
  • Japan’s case-by-case approach to the reopening of schools by regional authorities has been criticised.
  • There have been calls for a strict lockdown before it is too late to avert the same fate as Italy, Spain and the US.
  • In a race to develop vaccine: With formidable scientific prowess at its disposal, Japan remains at the forefront in the race to develop a vaccine against COVID-19.

Conclusion

Prime Minister Abe is viewed by voters as a leader capable of taking bold decisions. If Abe’s administration overcomes the COVID-19 crisis despite the odds and succeeds in staving off a recession, there is every chance that the LDP might again amend its rules to grant him a fourth term. After all, it is not easy for any of his political rivals to step into his shoes in the middle of such a crisis.

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Government Budgets

A different economic approach

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3- How to balance the trade-off between the health of economy and public health.

Context

The Covid-19 pandemic and subsequent 21-day lockdown by India has forced us to resolve the public health versus economic health trade-off.

The debate over lockdown

  • No clear idea on number of lives saved: As it fights COVID-19 with its meagre healthcare resources, India has chosen to bring the economy to a near halt with no clear idea of how many lives can be saved in this manner.
  • What is going to be the cost of this decision? The 21-day lockdown will reduce the gross value added (GVA) during this period to near zero.
  • More than half the GVA is contributed by the unorganised sector.
  • A disproportionate burden of the economic cost has fallen on this large segment.
  • Debate: The suffering of the stranded migrant labourers has set off a debate: is the disruption and the economic pain justified?
  • Is it worth sacrificing the economy to save lives?
  • And at the core of such questions is a policy dilemma: should public health matter more than economic health?

So, what should be the policy objectives?

  • In time, a vaccine will become available. But the economy cannot remain shut until that happens.
  • A prolonged lockdown will extract a huge economic cost.
  • Therefore, the policy objective must be to find ways of ensuring that the lockdown ends early without compromising on public health.
  • Following are the policies that could ensure the twin objective of not ending lockdown without compromising on public health.

1 The policy of aggressive testing and isolation

  • The economic cost of combating COVID-19 can be reduced by combining aggressive testing and isolation, a strategy proposed by economist Paul Romer for the U.S.
  • For it to work, people must be tested in large numbers.
  • Those who test positive must be isolated. This will make it unnecessary for the rest of the population to stay home and it will allow the economy to restart.
  • After ending the lockdown too, testing of randomly selected people must go on in large numbers, so that those found infected can be isolated.
  • Eliminating the fear of isolation: The success of this will depend on eliminating the fears associated with isolation. Such fears can be reduced only if isolation facilities are good.

2 Ramp up the manufacturing capacity

  • The second precondition is the substantial ramping up of manufacturing capacities for medical-grade masks, gloves, gowns, ventilators, testing labs, etc.
  • This ought to be on a scale large enough for domestic use and, if possible, for exports for costs to be low.
  • The strategy calls for fully operational hospitals to be constructed in every district of the country in a matter of weeks.
  • Problem-solving of an unprecedented order will be required.
  • Recently, garment manufacturers in Coimbatore were asked to explore the possibility of re-purposing production lines to make masks.
  • There’s been no progress on this front, as the special-grade fabric required is difficult to source.
  • What about the funding? In normal times, governments wrestle with dilemmas such as whether to allocate the limited available tax money to education, health, public transport or a sop that could change the outcome of the next election in their favour.
  • But during a public health crisis, all resources must be used to ramp up healthcare capacities.

Way forward

  • Investment in healthcare can resolve trade-off: Since the state of the lockdown is not a normal condition, the usual policy levers become ineffective.
  • Loan moratoriums and cash transfers can fend off bankruptcy and defaults for a few months and buy time on non-performing assets in banks.
  • But they cannot make good the GDP lost due to the economic shutdown because liquidity and cash released by monetary and fiscal policies cannot get transmitted to the real sector during an economic shutdown unless they are funnelled into the sector that is still active, which is healthcare.
  • If the public health sector can be the economy’s main engine for six months, the public health versus economic health trade-off can be resolved. The spread of COVID-19 will slow down.
  • The economic pain of combating the virus will reduce.
  • There will be jobs, including for low-skilled construction labourers. If planned and executed smartly, the severe health infrastructure deficit will get addressed.
  • Remove the price controls: Sadly, India’s economic policies for fighting COVID-19 are the opposite of what’s needed.
  • In a crisis, the first instinct of policymakers is to slap controls. Just about everything from masks to kits has been placed under price controls.
  • This has removed the incentive for private labs to ramp up capacities.
  • The government should fully subsidise testing: At zero MRP, more people with symptoms will come forward to get tested. Private labs will quickly ramp up capacities if they don’t have to worry about losses. The number of suppliers will increase. Costs will reduce. Private enterprise and technological innovations will come up with cheaper tests that produce results quicker.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-SAARC Nations

Preparing for SAARC 2.0

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 2- Revival of SAARC is the need of the hour amid corona crisis.

Context

A tweet by Prime Minister Narendra Modi resulted in the first-ever virtual summit of SAARC leaders on March 15. What has happened to this innovative exercise in health diplomacy since then?

The follow-up after the video-conference of SAARC members

  • Considering that SAARC has been dormant for several years due to regional tensions, it is worth stressing that the fight against COVID-19 has been taken up in right earnest through a series of tangible measures.
  • First, all the eight member-states were represented at the video conference — all at the level of head of state or government, except Pakistan.
  • The Secretary-General of SAARC participated. They readily agreed to work together to contain the virus and shared their experiences and perspectives.
  • SecondIndia’s proposal to launch a COVID-19 Emergency Fund was given positive reception.
  • Within days, all the countries, except Pakistan, contributed to it voluntarily, bringing the total contributions to $18.8 million. Although it is a modest amount, the spirit of readily expressed solidarity behind it matters.
  • Third, the fund has already been operationalised. It is controlled neither by India nor by the Secretariat.
  • It is learnt that each contributing member-state is responsible for approval and disbursement of funds in response to requests received from others.
  • Fourth, in the domain of implementation, India is in the lead, with its initial contribution of $10 million.
  • It has received requests for medical equipment, medicines and other supplies from Bhutan, Nepal, Afghanistan, Maldives, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
  • Many requests have already been accepted and action has been taken, whereas others are under implementation.
  • Fifth, a follow-up video-conference of senior health officials was arranged on March 26.
  • The agenda included issues ranging from specific protocols dealing with the screening at entry points and contact tracing to online training capsules for emergency response teams.
  • Technical cooperation: Steps are now underway to nurture technical cooperation through a shared electronic platform as also to arrange an exchange of all useful information among health professionals through more informal means.

Is the fund sufficient to deal with the grave threat?

  • So far, South Asia has not exactly borne the brunt of the pandemic.
  • Of the total confirmed cases in the world that stood at 12,89,380 on April 6 (according to the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resources Center), SAARC countries reported only 8,292 cases, representing 0.64%.
  • Reasons of lower spread not known: Whether the low share is due to limited testing, a peculiarity of the strain of the virus, people’s unique immunity, South Asia’s climate, decisive measures by governments, or just good fortune is difficult to say.
  • But it is evident that India’s imaginative diplomacy has leveraged the crisis to create a new mechanism for workable cooperation.
  • It will become stronger if the crisis deepens and if member-states see advantages in working together. Seven of the eight members already do.

Is it the sign of revival of SAARC?

  • To conclude that SAARC is now returning to an active phase on a broad front may, however, be
  • In the backdrop of political capital invested by New Delhi in strengthening BIMSTEC and the urgings it received recently from Nepal and Sri Lanka to resuscitate SAARC, India’s foreign minister said that India had no preference for a specific platform.
  • But India was fully committed to the cause of regional cooperation and connectivity.
  • The challenge facing the region is how to relate to a country which claims to favour regional cooperation, while working against it.
  • Clearly, India has little difficulty in cooperating with like-minded neighbours, as it showed by forging unity in the war against COVID-19.
  • This is diplomatic resilience and leadership at its best.

Conclusion

Given the grave threat posed by the pandemic and other benefits that the multilateral platforms such as SAARC offers Both New Delhi and its friendly neighbours need to start preparing themselves for SAARC 2.0.

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WTO and India

Between nationalism and globalism

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3- Is the globalisation past its peak? what will be the impact of corona crisis on the globalisation?

Context

Although all world leaders have acknowledged the global imperative in dealing with the virus, they have put the nation first without much consideration to the collective action.

The middle path between extreme globalisation and hyper-nationalism

  • ‘Nation first’ approach: Although all world leaders have acknowledged the global imperative in dealing with the virus, they have put the nation first. Are all nations now for themselves? Not so fast.
  • Sovereignty is certainly back. Solidarity is under stress, but not dead. The drift is towards a middle path between extreme globalism and hyper-nationalism.
  • The last few decades have seen the growing awareness of “global problems” like climate change and the need for “global solutions”.
  • Lack of collective action: The corona pandemic certainly adds to that consciousness. But as in the case of climate change, collective action is not easy to come by.

Closing of the borders and the idea of a “borderless world”

  • One of the first steps most governments took during the current crisis was to shut down their borders.
  • The idea of a “borderless world” had gained much acceptance in recent years but is now under serious questioning.
  • For example, how the US, Canada and Europe are outbidding each other in buying medical material from China.
  • They are ready to pay a hefty premium if Chinese suppliers break from an earlier commitment.
  • Nations banning medicines: Meanwhile, many nations, including India, have banned the export of much-needed medicines and equipment to combat the virus.
  • Washington, which initially criticised other countries for limiting exports of essential drugs, has had no option but to go down that path as the toll from coronavirus rose rapidly.
  • Donald Trump is angry with 3M, one of the leading American producers of masks, for exporting to other nations at a time of huge domestic shortfall.
  • The US ban on exports of medical supplies came just days after the G-20 affirmed that its member states “will work to ensure the flow of vital medical supplies, critical agricultural products, and other goods and services across borders”.

Globalisation and related ideas under stress

  • A testing time for two ideas: The problem is not that governments are being hypocritical. They are simply trapped in a crisis that is testing two important assumptions that guided the world in the last three decades.
  • One is that globalisation, with its long and transborder supply chains, generates prosperity through economic efficiency.
  • The second was that economic globalisation based on the dispersal of production will serve the interests of all nations.

Opposition to globalisation in the West

  • The new objections to economic globalisation are not coming from the traditional champions of sovereignty in the East and the South, but the West.
  • It was North America and Europe that had preached the virtues of unhindered economic
  • They also championed the idea of globalism that will transcend national sovereignty in terms of both institutions and values.
  • New converts to nationalism and sovereignty began to appear in the West well before corona crisis.
  • Brexit to take control own borders: Britain walked out of the European Union claiming the need to “take back control” of its borders.
  • Storming the White House against all predictions in 2016, Trump has sought to push Washington away from the trinity of America’s post-war political commitments-to open borders, free trade, and multilateralism.
  • Globalisation and corona crisis: For Trump and his team, the corona crisis is confirmation of the dangers of excessive globalisation.
  • This argument is finding some resonance in Europe.
  • Addressing workers at a factory that makes masks in France, President Emmanuel Macron echoed the same feelings.

Arguments against globalisation

  • An argument against efficiency: The efficiency argument of the globalists has been countered in the West by many who say societies are not merely economic units; they are also political and social communities.
  • The disadvantage to working people: While expansive globalisation has helped generate super-profits for the capital, it has put the working people at an increasing disadvantage.
  • Uneven distribution of benefits: The uneven distribution of the benefits from the dispersal of production and free movement of labour has undermined political support for economic globalisation in the West.
  • Role of China: Reinforcing this downward trend is the belief that China is misusing global economic interdependence for unilateral political advantage.
  • There were indeed strategic consequences to China’s emergence as the world’s factory.
  • After all, China is not a passive territory; it is an ancient civilisation with ambitions of its own.

Future of globalisation and the role of China

  • The peak of expansive globalisation is over: While economic interdependence among nations can’t be eliminated, we might be past the peak of expansive globalisation and hyper-connectivity.
  • Many countries are likely to move to the diversification of external production, short supply chains and stockpiles of essential materials to limit vulnerability during times of crises.
  • China-West relations may change: The palpable anger against China in the US and beyond, for keeping the world in the dark about the spread of the coronavirus, has been magnified by Beijing’s “mask diplomacy” and political triumphalism after it got in control of the situation in Wuhan.
  • This anger is bound to translate into long-term changes in the relations between China and the West and some rearrangement of multilateral mechanisms.

Conclusion

Out of this restructuring new international coalitions are likely to emerge. Even as world leaders put their own respective nations first, they will also explore new forms of solidarity. Like the instinct for self-preservation, solidarity too is part of human nature.

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Hunger and Nutrition Issues – GHI, GNI, etc.

Let no one go hungry

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 2-How steps government must take to ensure that the stranded labour are not left without food.

Context

The impact of the lockdown, effected from midnight of March 24, has been particularly severe on migrant workers. The state must utilise FCI stock for those who have ration cards and those who don’t.

India’s labour force and impact of lockdown on it

  • Nearly one-fifth of India’s labour force consists of internal migrants.
  • As per the 2011 census, a quarter of the urban population consists of migrants.
  • These tend to be predominantly male, from the less developed northern states, in the lower-income strata, and dependent on daily wages or precarious livelihoods.
  • The impact of the lockdown has been particularly severe on migrant workers.
  • Uncertainty and reverse migration: Due to uncertainty over the duration of the lockdown, and about their own livelihoods and food security, the lockdown has led to massive reverse migration from cities back to villages.
  • Further, due to the absence of train and bus services, many of these workers took to simply walking back.
  • The ground reality of inadequate preparation or insufficient provision means that neither their anxiety nor plight is assuaged.
  • Migrant workers tend to depend on public eating places or community arrangements for food.
  • Under a lockdown, there is simply no choice for them, except to depend on the government’s efforts or charitable organisations.

Utilising the grain stocks with the FCI

  • The government has a large stock of wheat and rice procured over the last three years.
  • Stock in excess of buffer norm: The buffer norm for April 1 is 21.4 million tonnes, against which the country had about 7 million tonnes on March 1: This comprises 27.5 million tonnes of wheat and 50.2 million tonnes of rice.
  • In most districts of India, the Food Corporation of India and state agencies have a storage capacity of more than the three months requirement of the public distribution system.
  • The warehouses are spread across all the districts in every state.
  • The government has already announced that an additional quantity of five kg of foodgrains will be provided, free of cost, to all ration card holders for the next three months.
  • Most of the unorganised labour and families migrating back from their place of work will probably have their ration cards in the villages itself.
  • So, it should not be much of a problem for them to find food during the period of lockdown.

What should the state do to feed those who do not have ration cards

  • For those who do not have ration cards in the villages, it is the right time to use this extra stock of foodgrains.
  • Using school and Anganwadi infrastructure: In villages, primary schools have facilities for cooking mid-day meals for children. Some Anganwadi also have this facility. This infrastructure can be used to provide cooked meals to those who do not have ration cards in the villages.
  • The government can easily offer to meet their requirement of wheat and rice over the next three weeks and panchayats can be asked to meet a part of the expenditure required to purchase vegetables, spices and cooking oil.
  • The village panchayats which take up such a feeding programme must be provided Rs 20 per person per day from State Disaster Relief Fund for the expenditure on vegetables, cooking oil, spices, which are not covered by the PDS.
  • In some villages, the local community may also be willing to help the panchayats to feed such people.
  • Efforts must also be made by the panchayats to raise donations in kind from the local community for rabi pulses like chana (chickpea), masoor (lentil), matar (field pea) which are available in plenty in pulse-growing states.

How to feed those who are stuck in the cities

  • A number of labourers and self-employed: In urban areas, as per the Periodic Labour Force Survey, there were about 6 crore casual labourers and four crore self-employed persons in 2017-18.
  • Even after the reverse migration to villages, there would still be millions of them who are stuck in cities at their place of work.
  • These are people who do not have any savings or source of income which can sustain them during the period of the lockdown. These people living in slums, in the poorer areas of cities, are in need of urgent assistance for food, at least for the next three weeks.
  • The most distressed at present are those stuck in the cities, or who have been walking hundreds of kilometres to reach their homes in small towns and villages.
  • Allocating funds form relief funds: The district collectors should be allocated funds from the State Disaster Relief Fund to provide them with food and open all community buildings en route for them.
  • Engaging various players: The states must engage NGOs, factories and charities including religious organisations to raise funds for meeting the expenditure on milk, eggs, cooking oil and vegetables, and even soaps and sanitisers.
  • More than 67,000 NGOs are registered with the Niti Aayog on their NGO Darpan platform — which was created to bring about a greater partnership between the government and the voluntary sector and to foster transparency, efficiency and accountability.
  • This is the time to use such a platform.
  • The Centre can easily provide free rice and wheat to the NGOs from its stock and the NGOs can provide cooked meals in urban areas for the next three weeks.
  • For one crore individuals, for three weeks, the government needs to provide just about 75,000 tonnes of rice. Since the milling of wheat would be difficult due to the closure of flour mills, only rice can be provided at this stage.

Conclusion

The rabi harvest is expected to be a bumper one. The utilisation of the FCI stock — for not only the ration card holders but also the non-ration cardholders, and for providing food to the poor stuck in urban areas — is the most appropriate use of the foodgrain stock with the government. This is urgent and must be done.

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Oil and Gas Sector – HELP, Open Acreage Policy, etc.

Oil in a post-Covid world

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3- Oil war in international oil market and implications for India.

Context

In the post-COVID world, India will, once again, confront the challenge of oil and gas supply security. We should, therefore, ask: What will be the landscape of the petroleum sector, post-COVID? And what should India do now to prepare for an uncertain and contingent energy future?

Oil war and the death knell of OPEC

  • The concept of MAD (Mutually Assured Destruction) deterred the nuclear powers during the Cold War. It has had no such effect on the oil powers.
  • Implications of the decision of Saudi Arabia and Russia: At a time when the virus had pushed the global economy into recession, Russia and Saudi Arabia took a set of decisions last month that knocked the economic props from under the oil market.
  • What were the reasons behind the decisions: The Saudis decided to flood the market to hold onto market share and the Russians accepted the consequent decline in prices to push the US shale industry to the wall.
  • Future of OPEC: Both may achieve their objectives but they have sounded the death knell of OPEC and possibly that of the oil industry as well.

Two reasons for the decline in the oil prices

  • Today, the price of oil, at just above $30/bbl , is at its lowest in a decade, and volatile downwards. The average price in 2019 was $64/bbl.
  • The reason is two-fold.
  • One, the Saudis have ramped up production from 9.8mbd (before the March meeting) to in excess of 12 mbd today.
  • Two, there has been an unprecedented COVID-induced crash in demand. This is because of the lockdown of the two main drivers of oil consumption — transportation and industry.
  • It is estimated that oil consumption in the current quarter will fall by approximately 25 mbd.
  • This is almost as much as OPEC’s production.
  • The Saudis and Russia may still come to an understanding that rallies the price.
  • There will be three major implications for the oil-producing countries.

1. Budgetary crisis

  • Every major oil-exporting country will face a budgetary crisis.
  • Qatar has the most robust balance sheet of all OPEC members. But it still needs an oil price of around $40/bbl to balance its books.
  • Algeria has the weakest. It needs an excess of $100/bbl.
  • Saudi Arabia is at the Algerian end of the spectrum requiring a price of around $80/bbl.
  • Abundant foreign reserves: This does not mean these countries are about to go financially belly up. Most of them, the Gulf producers, in particular, have abundant sovereign reserves.
  • But what it does mean is they will be hard-pressed to sustain their social and economic commitments.
  • They will have to cut back on subsidies, raise taxes and the citizens will be required to tighten their belts.
  • What India should do? India should build into its oil supply plans with the likelihood of civil strife in these countries.

2. Reconfiguration of the oil industry will take place

  • Already, at current prices, a large number of companies are finding it difficult to cover their cash costs and have been forced to cut production and shutter operations.
  • At even lower prices, they will become bankrupt.
  • Whatever the final outcome, one fact is clear. Those that survive the carnage will have substantially slimmed balance sheets and reduced valuations.
  • Exxon’s market capitalisation has, for instance, halved over the past month.
  • Implication for India: Against this backdrop, we should drop the expectation of international interest in BPCL. Or for that matter ME investment into India.
  • Ratnagiri refinery: The $40-billion Ratnagiri refinery project by Saudi Aramco and UAE will certainly not see the light of day.
  • We should also expect a drop in the intensity of domestic exploration.

3. Behavioural changes and uncertainties

  • The world, post-COVID will be different from the world pre-COVID. Behaviours will shift and these will deepen uncertainties.
  • “Social distancing” may change the dynamics of “shared mobility”.
  • Teleporting may reduce business travel.
  • Heightened awareness of the porosity of national boundaries may accelerate the push towards decarbonisation? These uncertainties will push the petroleum market deeper into no man’s land.

Way forward for India

  • Whatever be the shape of the post- COVID international petroleum market, India will be dependent on it to secure its domestic energy requirement. The question should, therefore, be asked. What should the decision-makers do today to respond to such a contingent and uncertain future?
  • 1. Increase the strategic reserves: It should fill the oil caverns with strategic reserves. Prices may fall further but rather than bottom fish, it should leverage the availability of capacity to secure discounted supplies.
  • The world has run out of storage capacity and producers may pay premium dollar to find space for their unsold cargoes.
  • 2. Reduce the dependency and risk: India should increase its imports of gas (LNG ) from Australia, Africa and the US.
  • This will reduce the political risks of dependency on oil supplies from the Middle East.
  • Gas is also now economically competitive. The landed price of LNG is low enough to kick-start some of the stranded gas-based power plants.
  • 3. Increase operational efficiency of oil companies: It should unthread the “patchwork quilt of authority” exercised by bureaucrats, regulators and politicians, which today stifles management and operational efficiency of the petroleum companies.
  • 4. Integrated energy policy: India should create an institutional basis for an integrated energy policy. If there is one message we must internalise from COVID, it is the importance of collaboration and coordination.

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Innovations in Biotechnology and Medical Sciences

Man versus microbe

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Techniques used for detecting virus: RT-PCR, CRISPR and serological tests.

Mains level: Paper 3- Various techniques used in tests used to detect Covid-19 and their advantages.

Context

The present COVID-19 outbreak has brought to light the old struggle between humans and viruses.

The constant struggle between humans and viruses

  • Hijacking the cell machinery of the host: Microbes, particularly viruses, have only one goal — to find a suitable host and multiply. Viruses, however, do not multiply by themselves. They need the cell machinery of the host for replication.
  • Around two-thirds of all infections in humans are caused by viruses.
  • The current COVID-19 outbreak caused by a coronavirus, SARS-CoV2, has brought this struggle to light once again.
  • Coronavirus has the upper hand now: The virus seems highly successful because it spreads rapidly from human to human and has a lower rate of mortality.
  • Humans have faced new viruses at regular intervals. These include the Ebola, Zika, HIV, the Flu virus H1N1, the Middle East Respiratory Syndrome (MERS), and Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)the latter two are from the coronavirus family.
  • Animal to humans: These viruses have all appeared in the last few decades, having jumped from their animal reservoirs to humans.
  • Many of these viruses have a much higher mortality rate than the SARS-CoV2 that caused COVID-19.
  • Victory would be at huge costs: Like before, humans will come out of the present crisis as winners but that will happen at a huge cost, in every sense of the word.
  • The loss would include untimely loss of human lives, economic losses and a general loss of confidence in the human ability to deal with a tiny unknown enemy.

Steps involved in dealing with the virus

  • It involves dealing with any new viral outbreak is to be able to accurately test, detect and track the spread of the virus, and isolate the infected persons to stop further spread.
  • Knowing the genetic makeup of virus matters: In order to implement the first step, it is important to obtain information on the genetic makeup of the virus, which forms the basis of developing highly specific diagnostic tests.
  • Three types of tests are being used which have different advantages associated with them and are based on different technologies. These are described below-

1. What is the RT-PCR technique?

  • Currently, the most reliable and widely-used test is based on a technique called RT-PCR (Reverse Transcription Time Polymerase Chain Reaction).
  • This test aims to detect the viral RNA, the genetic material of SARS-CoV2.
  • The testing begins with the careful collection of swabs taken from the nose or the back of the throat of the patient and extraction of the viral RNA.
  • However, this extracted viral RNA from the swab is too tiny an amount for direct detection.
  • Amplification: The RT-PCR, through many different reactions that include the conversion of viral RNA to DNA — its amplification and detection — makes it possible to confirm the presence or absence of the virus.
  • The testing kits contain all chemicals and materials required for carrying out the RT-PCR based tests, which are performed by government-approved laboratories such as India’s National Institute of Virology.
  • However, many more testing centres, including those run by private players, have now been allowed to carry out the tests in many countries to bridge the huge demand and supply gap.
  • Why testing matters? It is now clear that countries which were able to scale up the testing of the virus in patients at an early stage were able to control the spread of the disease far better than those which did not.
  • Only viable control measure: Given that there is no cure or vaccine for the control of COVID-19, testing of infected patients much more quickly and tracking their contacts to isolate them till they clear off the virus is currently the only viable control measure.

2. How CRISPR is proving helpful in scaling up the testing?

  • There is good news of a relatively new but powerful technology called CRISPR (Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats).
  • CRISPR is highly specific in directly detecting viral RNA and confirming the presence or absence of the virus.
  • Interestingly, viruses also attack bacteria and the discovery of CRISPR itself was based on understanding how bacteria cut off the viruses.
  • What are the advantages of CRISPR-based test? The CRISPR-based test is quick and circumvents the need for both expert handling as well as PCR machines and can be done at multiple locations in about half an hour.
  • It can also fend off delays and other logistic problems in collection and transportation of test samples.
  • These tests are being validated and readied for approval.
  • Two companies, separately founded by the two scientists who discovered the CRISPR technique, have also announced that they are ready with their CRISPR-based test for validation and approval.
  • Test in 10 minutes: They have claimed that these tests can be performed within 10 minutes and can be conducted by using a paper strip format.
  • Test in 5 minutes: Another company, Abbott Laboratories, has recently announced the approval of their portable test for coronavirus, which the company claims can provide the results in five minutes.
  • Such a point of care test will not only greatly enhance the speed of large-scale testing but will also relieve the tremendous pressure faced by frontline healthcare providers.

3. Serological tests to detect the realistic information on the spread of the virus

  • Why we need serological tests? The above described RT-PCR and the newly developed CRISPR based tests are needed for scaling up the testing.
  • But many individuals infected with the virus do not show symptoms of the disease and recover completely.
  • How to test these cases to gather realistic information on the spread of the virus?
  • Such information will be necessary for designing future control strategies.
  • How serological tests work? This is done with serological tests, which are carried out in blood samples collected from a large population and are based on the detection of antibodies that are produced in response to the viral infection.
  • Advantage of the serological tests: These tests are relatively easier to develop and use, less expensive, and also do not need much sophisticated infrastructure or highly trained manpower.
  • Serological tests for COVID-19 have already been developed by many groups and are already in use.
  • India also plans to carry out serological tests to examine the actual spread of the disease in different parts of the country.

Conclusion

Lockdowns are essential to control the disease but long-term strategies to deal with the disease would be based on the knowledge of its actual spread. The newly-developed point of care tests should be successfully able to bridge the existing gap in the testing of the virus. This will also assist in gearing up facilities to treat the severely sick as well as relieve and protect frontline health providers. Meanwhile, hopefully, efficient drugs therapies and efficacious vaccines against COVID-19 will also be discovered soon.

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Government Budgets

States at centre

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Mains level: Paper 3- Financial stress on the states and what centre should do to address the problem.

Context

Concerned over the impact on their revenues, several state governments planned cuts in salaries of government employees.

State finances showing the signs of stress

  • The fiscal crisis stemming from the disruption in economic activity due to the coronavirus is now beginning to show.
  • Concerned over the impact on their revenues, several state governments planned cuts in salaries of government employees.
  • The stress to state finances stems from multiple sources.
  • First, as economic growth falters, their own income streams, for instance, revenues from petroleum products, real estate transactions, will slow down further, as will GST collections, and the amount collected through the compensation cess will not be enough to meet budgeted expectations.
  • Second, as the Centre’s own revenues also slow down, transfers to states will take a hit. It is quite likely that tax devolution to states, which has been budgeted at Rs 7.8 lakh crore in 2020-21, will not materialise.
  • Collectively, state expenditure far outstrips that by the Centre, with revenues falling short, any cutbacks in their spending, at a time when there is a need for a bold fiscal expansion, will further aggravate the economic stress.
  • Need assurance of adequate resource: Thus, states, which are at the frontline of fighting the public health crisis, need to be assured of adequate resources.

Increase in the WMA limit will not address the issue

  • Limit increased by 30%: The Reserve Bank of India decided to increase the ways and means advances (WMA) limit by 30 per cent for state governments.
  • What is WMA? The WMA is a temporary liquidity arrangement with the RBI which helps governments tide over their short-term liquidity woes.
  • A short term measure: While states have been averse to opting for this facility in the past, and the new WMA limits may need to be revised further if the mismatch rises, this is a short-term measure, and does not address the underlying issue of significant revenue slippages.
  • Contradictory impulse: Under the existing fiscal deficit constraint, the collapse in revenues will force states to cut back on spending, imparting a contractionary impulse to the economy.

Way forward

  • The Centre must take several steps to ensure an adequate flow of resources to states.
  • First, it must immediately clear all its pending dues to state governments.
  • Second, while it is cheaper for the Centre to borrow and transfer to states, even though the spreads between state and central government bonds have now widened, making state borrowing more costly, states must be allowed to borrow more.
  • Third, as some state chief ministers have suggested, the fiscal deficit limits imposed on states must be relaxed.

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Important Judgements In News

The SC order on migrants labours raises several issues

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Mains level: Paper 2- The SC order on migrant labour rises several questions dealing with the fundamental rights.

Context

On March 31, the Supreme Court of India (SC), entertaining a writ petition under Article 32, passed an order which raises more questions than it seeks to answer.

What were the issues involved in the writ petition?

  • The writ petition was purportedly filed in the public interest, “for redressal of grievances of migrant workers in different parts of the country”.
  • Directions which are in favour of the Union government: The Court has proceeded to issue several directions which are clearly in favour of the respondent, the Union of India.
  • The following three directions were uncalled for:

What were the directions issued by the Supreme Court?

  • One, that under section 54 of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, persons can be punished with imprisonment, which may extend to one year, or with a fine for making or circulating a false alarm or warning.
  • Disobedience of the order including an advisory by a public servant would result in punishment under section 188 of the IPC.
  • Two, all concerned, that is the state government, public authorities and citizens will faithfully comply with directives, advisory and orders issued by the Union of India in letter and spirit in the interest of public safety.
  • Three, the media should only refer to and publish the official version of the Government of India, publishing a daily bulletin.
  • The SC observations about migrant labourers: After giving substantial reliefs to the Union of India, the SC proceeded to make mere observations about migrant labourers by directing that they should be dealt with “in a humane manner”.
  • And that “trained counsellors, community leaders and volunteers must be engaged along with the police to supervise the welfare activities of migrants”.
  • The SC has virtually absolved the government for its handling of the situation.

What was the basis for issuing orders and issues with it

  • The basis of the directions is a statement made by the Solicitor General of India and some status reports to the effect that “the exodus of migrant labourers was triggered due to panic created by some fake/misleading news and social media”.
  • What is an issue with basis? The SC has proceeded on assumptions and surmises which were untested and unchallenged.
  • What the court should have done? In a matter of such seriousness, the least it should have done was to have appointed an amicus curiae (a friend of the court) to assist it rather than simply accept the self-serving status reports and statements made before it.
  • The Court overlooked the fact that in India, hundreds of millions of people work during the day and are paid at the end of the day and then go and buy their foodstuffs.
  • They have no savings, nor do they have foodgrains stored.
  • It is surprising that the Court, the custodian of fundamental rights, should be oblivious to this reality.

Issue of press freedom

  • Citizens have the right to freedom of speech and expression. Press freedom is a part of this. Citizens have the right to receive information as well.
  • Article 13 (2) of the Constitution says that the state cannot make any law which takes away or abridges the fundamental rights.
  • If Parliament cannot do so, the Supreme Courtthe upholder of the constitutional rights — surely cannot do so.
  • The SC has itself held in M Nagraj (2006): “A right becomes a fundamental right because it has foundational value. The fundamental right is a limitation on the power of the State. A Constitution, and in particular that part of it which protects and which entrenches fundamental rights and freedoms to which all persons in the State are to be entitled, is to be given a generous and purposive construction.”
  • The SC should not have made all media subservient to the government by directing that the former “refer to and publish the official version about the developments”.
  • Such an order could be justified only during an emergency and that too by the executive, subject to challenge before the courts.

Conclusion

The SC has given a carte blanche to the authorities, and citizens appear to have no avenues of redress. Most of all, by condemning the media and social media, holding them responsible for fake news, the SC has done a great disservice to the institution which provides information to citizens and upholds democracy.

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Issues related to Economic growth

Opportunity in the Covid-19 crisis

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: FRBM Act.

Mains level: Paper 3- Opportunity to bring in reform that could benefit us in the medium term as well.

Context

Coronavirus pandemic offers a trigger to fundamentally strengthen the Indian economy, and protect the vulnerable. This requires cooperation between the Centre and states.

Opportunity to do things good for the medium term

  • Minimising the impact on the vulnerable: The current crisis is so terrible in its toll of life and livelihoods that the need of the hour must be minimising the health, humanitarian and economic costs, especially for the most vulnerable.
  • Rising expenditure may force hard choices: Rising public expenditures to help tens of millions of workers and their families alongside plummeting resources will inevitably force hard choices.
  • Appropriately, much of the policy discussion and the government’s first response have focussed on addressing the immediate imperatives.

This crisis is also an opportunity to do things that are not only good for now but for the medium term as well. Few are discussed below.

1. Revamp macro-fiscal framework

  • Massive fiscal expenditure may require: If the pandemic follows the exponential trajectory seen in other countries, the crisis is going to entail massive fiscal expenditures, perhaps up to 4-5 per cent of GDP, much more than what the government has announced.
  • Macro-fiscal targets have to be exceeded: Consequently, the basic macro-fiscal framework — for example, the Centre’s FRBM target of 3.5 per cent of GDP, and the revenue and deficit estimates for 2020-21 — has been fundamentally overtaken by events.
  • Allow states to exceed deficit targets: The Centre should immediately announce that even the states will be allowed to exceed their fiscal responsibility legislation targets because they will be in the front line of taking action against the pandemic.
  • Opportunity to review the FRBM: The crisis is an opportunity to revisit the entire framework.
  • The focus on unattainable targets, the fact that the FRBM has been honoured only in the breach, and the consequences in terms of loss in budgetary integrity and transparency need serious review, even overhaul.
  • Once the crisis ebbs, India might be looking at overall deficits well in excess of 10 per cent and debt levels much greater than those today. If the starting point is going to be so different, the old goals and targets won’t retain meaning.

2. Remake finance and adopt a data-driven lending model

  • Going into the crisis, India’s corporate and financial sector were under severe stress — the so-called Four Balance Sheet problem.
  • This crisis will, unfortunately, add consumers and small and medium enterprises to that This will be an extremely hard — but critical — problem to address.
  • A takeover of bad loans will be unavoidable: To allow banks to revert to normalcy, a largescale takeover of their bad loans will be unavoidable not least because the current bankruptcy process will be severely inadequate.
  • Opt for the tech. driven lending model: This crisis opens the door for the new lending model proposed by Nandan Nilekani i.e. technology-driven lending.
  • What is Technology-driven lending? It uses data rather than collateral, allowing the 10 million-odd businesses with deep digital footprints (for example, based on GST invoices), to get loans from the thriving ecosystem of new financial players.

3. Complete JAM

  • One of the major achievements of the government was to create the plumbing — Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, and Mobile (JAM)to augment weak state capacity.
  • How JAM is proving helpful in this crisis? The state could now make cash transfers swiftly, with reduced leakages, whether as income support, scholarships or pensions, and potentially eventually implementing a Universal Basic Income.
  • In the current crisis, it is proving to be an important part of the social safety net that is helping to cushion the most adversely affected groups.
  • JAM is not complete yet: But the JAM plumbing is still incomplete because there is a “last mile problem”.
  • Not all those with bank accounts can access money either because of difficult geography or because bank functionaries give incomplete or misleading information.
  • Opportunity to fix the shortcomings: This crisis is an opportunity not just to leverage JAM to enhance cash transfers, but to empower citizens. This will require the government to identify remaining weaknesses on a war footing and fix them.

4. Re-shape Indian agriculture

  • Need to create one market for agriculture: The need to preserve supply chains in agriculture in times of crisis reinforces the need to create one market for agriculture across India.
  • This requires eliminating legislation like the Essential Commodities Act and the panoply of resulting restrictions.
  • Phase-out subsidies and opt for DBT: Second, the crisis has shown the possibilities created by JAM and direct transfers.
  • Phasing out in cycles: Building on PM-Kisan and various state-level schemes, pernicious subsidies, especially for fertilisers and power, could be phased out over 5-6 crop cycles.
  • This could be done through small but frequent increases in fertiliser prices (the technique used to eliminate fuel subsidies).

5. Focus on Make in India

  • The critical source for almost all the essential Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients (API) used to manufacture drugs, the ability also to fight death, is largely made in China.
  • India was once a major producer of such APIs but lost ground to China.
  • Frame intelligent industrial policy: The crisis should be the opportunity to go on war footing to do intelligent industrial policy — incentives, regulatory help, trade policy — that would resurrect India’s manufacturing capability.
  • Previous Make in India attempts have shown lackadaisical results.
  • Focus on the pharmaceutical sector: The crisis creates the momentum to focus the effort on one sector, pharmaceuticals. As a result, the ability to save lives could be Made in India, again.

6. Establish migrants as full citizens

  • Need to change the place-based benefits to person-based benefits: The plight of migrant workers reinforces the need to move from immobile place-based benefits to mobile person-based benefits, which is possible as the JAM infrastructure is strengthened.
  • Portability of benefits: This will require portability of benefits, including access to the PDS, Ujjwala and Ayushman Bharat.
  • The crisis has highlighted the travails of migrant labour and their second-class status.
  • The large gap between the organised and unorganised sector worker: It reflects a broader chasm between the few securely employed in the organised sector and the vast majority subject to the vicissitudes of the unorganised sector.
  • Differences not just in the levels of income but in their volatility as well as differential access to social insurance (healthcare, pensions) distinguish these two classes.

7. Upgrade Health

  • Weakest state capacity in health and education: State capacity over 70 years in India has been weakest in the areas of education and health.
  • The COVID-19 pandemic must lead to a serious strengthening of the health infrastructure for dealing with pandemics.
  • Set up an apex institution on the lines of US’s CDC: To start with, India needs an apex institution like the US’ Centers for Disease Control with a network across all the states.
  • They should invest in disease surveillance systems, set up diagnostics labs, be able to gather real-time data and analyse them etc.
  • The Taiwan model, which has been so successful in this pandemic, could be studied.
  • More fundamentally, the crisis is a wake-up call to address India’s severe limitations in the provision of basic health.
  • Focus on basic public health: Creating tertiary health facilities must be subservient to strengthening basic public health and early childhood care.

8. Build a National Solidarity Fund

  • The severe downturn in economic activity ahead will savagely hit the informal poor.
  • How would the Solidarity fund be set up? The government should consider a Solidarity Fund with a one-time annual contribution coming from the wealthy and the employees in the organised sector.
  • Contribution to the fund: This contribution can take the form of taxes or elimination of middle-class subsidies identified in the Economic Survey of 2016.
  • The wealthy could contribute via a wealth tax with thresholds set by property values say above Rs 5 crore.
  • Salaried employees in the public and private sectors could contribute via a small, progressive tax on salaries and pensions.
  • Middle-class subsidies that could be eliminated include interest and tax deductions for small savers, favourable taxation of gold and other luxuries.
  • Wealth taxes and elimination of subsidies for the rich should, in any event, be part of the long-run reform agenda to reduce growing inequality.

Conclusion

These examples illustrate how the crisis can be converted to an opportunity to fundamentally strengthen the Indian economy, and protect the vulnerable. A common thread to many of these actions — indeed prerequisites for their success — is cooperation between the Centre and states. Central direction combined with flexibility and nimbleness in the states and local bodies is India’s way through the crisis and beyond.

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Defence Sector – DPP, Missions, Schemes, Security Forces, etc.

Still no bullseye, in volume and value

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3- India's growing defence export.

Context

Based on the latest estimates released by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) in the period between 2009-13 and 2014-18, Indian defence imports fell even as exports increased.

What are the factors responsible for the shift?

  • Make in India initiative: The first is the ‘Make in India’ initiative, as part of which a number of components from Indian private and public sector enterprises have been prioritised by the government.
  • Delay by vendors in supplying equipment: The second set of factors is extraneous to India in the form of delays in supplying equipment by vendors and the outright cancellation of contracts by the Indian government or at least a diminution of existing contracts.

How ‘Make in India’ made the difference?

  • DPP’s measures to build India’s defence industry: Under the ‘Make in India’ initiative, the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) lays out the terms, regulations and requirements for defence acquisitions as well as the measures necessary for building India’s defence industry.
  • It created a new procurement category in the revised DPP of 2016 dubbed ‘Buy Indian Indigenously Designed, Developed and Manufactured’ (IDDM).
  • Earmarking projects for MSMEs: The ‘Make’ procedure has undergone simplification “earmarking projects not exceeding ten crores” that are government-funded and ₹3 crores for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) that are industry-funded.
  • Technology transfer to private companies: In addition, the government has also introduced provisions in the DPP that make private industry production agencies and partners for technology transfers.
  • The growing share of SMEs in the defence market: Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) until 2016 accounted for a 17.5% share of the Indian defence market.
  • According to the government of India data for the financial year 2018-19, the three armed services for their combined capital and revenue expenditures sourced 54% of their defence equipment from Indian industry.
  • Four companies among the top 100: Among arms producers, India has four companies among the top 100 biggest arms producers of the world.
  • It is estimated, according to SIPRI, their combined sales were $7.5 billion in 2017, representing a 6.1% jump from 2016.
  • All four of these companies are public sector enterprises and account for the bulk of the domestic armament demand.
  • The largest Indian arms producers are the Indian ordnance factories and the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), which are placed 37th and 38th, respectively, followed by Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

Reasons for falling imports

  • Cancellation of contracts: Indian defence acquisitions have also fallen due to the cancellation of big-ticket items. For instance the India-Russia joint venture for the development of the advanced Su-57 stealth Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA).
  • India cancelled involvement in 2018 due to rising dissatisfaction in delays with the project as well as the absence of capabilities that would befit a fifth-generation fighter jet.
  • Reduction in order: In 2015, the Modi government also reduced the size of the original acquisition of 126 Rafale Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) from Dassault to 36 aircraft, which is also responsible for significantly driving down the import bill.
  • Delay by suppliers: That apart, the delays in the supplies of T-90 battle tanks, and Su-30 combat aircraft from Russia and submarines from France, in 2009-13 and 2014-18, also depressed imports.
  • Industrial model at odds with the global trend: India’s defence model faces challenges despite the positive trends generated by ‘Make in India’.
  • SMEs still face stunted growth because India’s defence industrial model is at odds with global trends in that it tends to create disincentives for the private sector.
  • Governments, including the incumbent, have tended to privilege Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs) over the private sector, despite ‘Make in India’.
  • Undermining the private sector: This model is highly skewed, undermining the growth of private players and diminishes the strength of research and development.

The rise in Indian defence export

  • Considerable rise between 2012 and 2019: The period between 2012 and 2019 saw Indian defence exports experiencing a considerable jump sourced from Indian public and private sector enterprises.
  • In the last two fiscal years, 2017-18 and 2018-19, exports have witnessed a surge from ₹7,500 crore to ₹11,000 crores, representing a 40% increase in exports.
  • Measures introduced by the government: The sharpest rise in defence export products can be attributed to the measures introduced by the government which in 2014, delisted or removed several products that were restricted from exports.
  • It dispensed with the erstwhile No Objection Certificate (NOC) under the DPP restricting exports of aerospace products, several dual-use items and did away with two-thirds of all products under these heads.
  • According to the Ministry of Commerce and the Industry, Export-Import Data Bank export of defence items in the aerospace category has witnessed an increase in value.
  • Small naval crafts account for the bulk of India’s major defence exports. However, the export of ammunition and arms remain low.
  • As a percentage of total Indian trade, defence-related exports for the fiscal years 2017-18 and 2018-19 were 8 and 0.73%, respectively.

Conclusion

From a volume and value standpoint, Indian defence exports, while showing a promising upward trend, still remain uncompetitive globally. It is likely that Indian defence exports will take several years before they are considered attractive by external buyers. But green shoots are emerging in a sector that has long been devoid of any dynamism and Indian policymakers should make the most of the opportunities this represents.

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Issues related to Economic growth

Pull out all the stops

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: "Natural Disaster" clause in FRBM Act.

Mains level: Paper 3-What should be the policy response of the government to the damage inflicted by the Covid-19 on the economy.

Context

Though there is coherence in India’s response to the Covid-19, still there is more that needs to be done.

Sense of coherence in India’s response

  • Since last week, a sense of coherence is settling over India’s response to the COVID-19 outbreak.
  • The national lockdown, the incomes and credit support, and the three-month debt moratorium announced by the government and the RBI are the needed first steps to contain the outbreak on the one hand and lessen the economic impact on the other hand.

Uncertainty in two important factors

  • Several laundry lists of measures have already been proffered by many, however, these are not of much help.
  • Uncertainty: Given the extreme uncertainty clouding how long and intensely social distancing policies will need to be pursued, the attendant economic impact and, crucially, how quickly and strongly the recovery can take place.
  • 1. The answer to the first depends on how much the outbreak tests the capacity of the already-stretched public health system.
  • Extending the social distancing policy: If the lockdown does not slow the spread of the virus to a rate that the healthcare system can handle, then the social distancing policies, in some form or another, will need to be extended.
  • Destruction of demand: The longer such containment measures last, the larger will be the destruction to (of) demand and the bigger the collapse in output and incomes.
  • 2. Then, there is the question about the pace and strength of the recovery.
  • Much will depend on how much damage the eventual output loss inflicts on households’ and corporates’ balance sheets.
  • Lower consumption: For example, even if a worker starts earning once the lockdown is lifted if one has incurred large debts in the interim, one’s consumption demand will naturally be much lower than before the crisis.
  • The same holds for corporates, both big and small.
  • No help from global demand: What makes the situation worse is that there is not likely to be much help coming from global demand.
  • Growth estimates: It is now expected global growth would decline to 5 per cent (annualised) in 1H20 (first half 2020), considerably more than during the global financial crisis, and rebound only partially in 2H20, leaving global GDP 2.5 percentage points below its pre-crisis level at the end of this year.

How the uncertainty makes policy response calibration difficult?

  • Difficulty in assessing economic damage: Given these extreme uncertainties, it is very hard to assess the economic damage with any degree of conviction.
  • In fact, in last week’s policy review, the Monetary Policy Committee refrained from providing any projections for future growth and inflation, breaking from its normal practice.
  • So, if the outlook is so uncertain, how does one calibrate the policy response?
  • 1. Under-support the economy: One can easily under-support the economy, which could prolong the slowdown.
  • 2. Or over-support the economy, which could end up stoking inflation (as it did in 2010-13 when the massive monetary and fiscal easing during the global financial crisis was not withdrawn quickly) or creating asset price bubbles.

What is the way out in such a situation?

  • Don’t try to calibrate: The way out is not to even try calibrating policies under such extreme uncertainty but to let the size of the support be determined endogenously by the extent and nature of the economic damage.
  • Falling back of first principles: This requires falling back on first principles. We know that the economic damage could be very large.
  • Delay in recovery: We also know that if the damage to households’ and firms’ balance sheets is substantial, then the recovery could be delayed and weakened.
  • Give extensive income support: This calls for extensive income support through existing government Jan Dhan and Mudra accounts to households and SMEs, and temporary tax cuts or deferments to the larger corporates.
  • Tax cuts needed: It also needs substantial cuts in indirect taxes (GST) when social distancing is relaxed.

Problems with RBI measures

  • RBI providing support: The RBI has begun to provide support via its liquidity facility (TLTRO) and regulatory forbearance that allows banks to offer a debt moratorium to their customers for the next three months.
  • But both these measures work through banks.
  • The problem of bank turning risk-averse: Given that banks have turned substantially risk-averse because of the restructuring and bad debt problems of the last few years, the RBI likely needs to start providing liquidity directly to corporates, as recently announced by the US Fed.
  • At the same time, any debt moratorium will reduce profit and, in turn, capital, banks might be reluctant to extend it to all their customers.
  • Accommodate capital shortfall in the bank: Consequently, the RBI also needs to change regulations to accommodate possible shortfalls in bank capital because of the debt moratorium.

What should be the scope and size of the policy support?

  • Support should be based on the extent of the damage: The scope and size of such policy support need to be determined by the extent of the economic damage, and not by perceived limits about what India can afford or those imposed by existing institutional arrangements and practices.
  • It is quite possible that the size of the economic damage ends up requiring support that widens the fiscal deficit substantially.
  • India clearly does not have the fiscal space to provide any material economic support when measured against standard benchmarks of fiscal prudence.
  • Directly funding the budget deficit: The market is on edge, and fears of eventual large government borrowing has spiked long-term interest rates despite large cuts in short-term rates by the RBI, which are likely to delay and weaken the recovery.
  • Any large bond auction by the government, even if it is offset by the RBI through open market operations, is not likely to calm market nerves and bring down lending rates.
  • The government should invoke “natural disaster” clause: What is needed is for the government to invoke the “escape” or the “natural disaster” clause in the fiscal responsibility act (FRBM) that allows the RBI to directly fund the budget deficit without having to go through market auctions.

Conclusion

Such a proposal is likely to raise the hackles of any fiscal conservative and there is the natural question about how rating agencies might react. As long as the government credibly commits to reversing the action as soon as the crisis is over, rating agencies and fiscal conservatives alike will likely treat this kindly, as it is a response to a crisis caused not by poor economic policies, but by an act of nature.

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Economic Indicators and Various Reports On It- GDP, FD, EODB, WIR etc

The sudden return of quantity planning in the wake of covid-19

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 3-Applying ways suggested by Keynes in times pandemic. of war to deal with the covid-19

Context

We could take a leaf out of a booklet by Keynes in our effort to tackle some of the challenges posed by the covid-19 pandemic.

The Crisis-Keynesian Mode response mode to pandemic

  • What is the war economy? One of the defining features of a war economy is that economic thinking is focused on quantities rather than prices.
  • Much of the ongoing global response to the covid-19 pandemic is still in crisis-Keynesian mode.
  • What is a crisis-Keynesian response: The nation-state has become the income supporter, financier and consumer of last resort.
  • However, there are also clear signs of war economics as well.
  • Signs of war economics: The decision by US President Donald Trump to use America’s Defense Production Act to force General Motors to make ventilators is one resonant example.
  • Just consider some of the key questions that are being asked right now.
  • How many ventilators are available? Are there ample food stocks? Can more hospital beds be made available? How many masks be produced in the next few weeks? Can the production of testing kits be ramped up? It’s all about quantities, quantities, quantities.

Historical background and impact of a shift in economic strategies

  • Impact persists in subsequent decades: Such big shifts in economic strategies are usually not reversed overnight. Decisions taken in response to a particular emergency tend to remain with us in subsequent decades.
  • World War II example: What happened in India during World War II is instructive. Many of the controls that were introduced during that global conflagration formed the basis of the later interventionist state that sought to control who produces how much. Here are a few examples.

1. Quantitative import controls

  • One of the first moves by the colonial state was to impose quantitative import controls in May 1940.
  • There were two reasons why this was done—to conserve foreign exchange as well as ensure that shipping capacity was used to bring in only what was essential to the war economy.

2. Food rationing

  • Food rationing was also introduced during the war years.
  • Over 700 towns were covered by some rationing scheme or the other by the end of the War.
  • The government also brought in measures to buy surplus grain from farmers at administered prices.
  • Various forms of rent control were also instituted. Most of these controls continued after India gained independence.

3. Balance of payment crisis in 1957

  • India was hit by a balance of payments crisis in 1957.
  • The massive investment thrust in the Second Five Year Plan had severely strained the country’s foreign exchange reserves.
  • The Indian government, once again as a temporary measure, imposed stringent controls on imports.
  • Many of these were quantitative in nature. They survived well into the 1980s.
  • In fact, the entire trade policy approach since the 1957 crisis was to minimize imports in a bid to preserve foreign exchange.

Will the government opt for automatic monetisation of the deficit?

  • Money creation by the RBI to fund deficit: There is now a growing consensus that the Indian government will have to fund part of its growing fiscal burden through money creation by the Reserve Bank of India.
  • What about inflationary consequences? The inflationary consequences will be muted—for now—because the velocity of narrow money is most likely set to fall on account of weak demand conditions under a lockdown.
  • Precedence: The automatic monetization of Indian government deficits was part of the policy playbook after the 1950s till it was thankfully discontinued in 1997.
  • The main instrument for that was ad hoc treasury bills.
  • These were introduced in 1954 as a temporary measure to replenish the cash balances the government maintains with the central bank.
  • What was ad hoc treasury bills? Ad hoc treasury bills were not introduced through any formal law but as an arrangement between mid-level bureaucrats in New Delhi and Mumbai (i.e. RBI).
  • What began as a temporary measure to smoothen government cash holdings had become a near-permanent feature of Indian macroeconomic policy by the 1970s.

The uncertain future

  • Longer the war more profound will be the changes: The longer the global battle against the pandemic lasts, the more profound will be the changes across the economic landscape.
  • In an insightful article in Bloomberg, Andy Mukherjee uses the lessons of history to look into the uncertain future.
  • Among the possibilities he mentions are the contrasting ones of an economy run by robots and algorithms but with little labour, or an economy in which labour has clawed back the power it lost in the second age of globalization.

Managing the resources in the time of war

  • Managing the resources: In 1940, John Maynard Keynes wrote a little booklet How To Pay For The War, Keynes essentially argued that the main challenge was not how to finance the war effort, but how to manage real resources to produce the arms that the UK needed to defend herself.
  • Suppression of consumption: He then argued that war production would necessarily involve suppression of consumption, either through higher taxes or some scheme of deferment.

Conclusion

The war against the covid-19 pandemic is very different from the military war that Keynes was thinking about. Yet, his booklet offers useful lessons on how to think about some of our current challenges—and also about what we can expect once the situation returns to normal.

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Communicable and Non-communicable diseases – HIV, Malaria, Cancer, Mental Health, etc.

A pandemic in an unequal India

Note4Students

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not much.

Mains level: Paper 2- How lockdown affects the poor disproportionately and what the state must do mitigate the impact.

Context

The official strategies to deal with the virus place the responsibility on citizens, a majority without privilege, to fight the virus.

The poor disproportionately affected

  • If the COVID-19 pandemic lashes India with severity, it will not be just the middle class who will be affected.
  • India’s impoverished millions are likely to overwhelmingly bear the brunt of the suffering which will ensue.
  • Inequality and impact of a pandemic: The privileged Indian has been comfortable for too long with some of the most unconscionable inequalities in the planet.
  • But with the pandemic, each of these fractures can decimate the survival probabilities and fragile livelihoods of the poor.

Inadequate capacity of the health system  

  • Low investment in public health: India’s investments in public health are among the lowest in the world, and most cities lack any kind of public primary health services.
  • A Jan Swasthya Abhiyan estimate is that a district hospital serving a population of two million may have to serve 20,000 patients, but they are bereft of the beds, personnel and resources to do this. Few have a single ventilator.
  • The poor left with meagre services: India’s rich and middle-classes have opted out of public health completely, leaving the poor with unconscionably meagre services.
  • The irony is that a pandemic has been brought into India by people who can afford plane tickets, but while they will buy private health services, the virus will devastate the poor who they infect and who have little access to health care.

No planning and preparation by the state

  • Official strategies placing responsibility on citizens: Most of the official strategies place the responsibility on the citizen, rather than the state, to fight the pandemic.
  • No preparation by the states: The state did too little in the months it got before the pandemic reached India for expanding greatly its health infrastructure for testing and treatment.
  • This includes planning operations for food and work; security for the poor; for safe transportation of the poor to their homes; and for special protection for the aged, the disabled, children without care and the destitute.

What must be done?

  • 25 day’s minimum wage: For two months, every household in the informal economy, rural and urban, should be given the equivalent of 25 days’ minimum wages a month until the lockdown continues, and for two months beyond this.
  • Pensions must be doubled and home-delivered in cash.
  • There should be free water tankers supplying water in slum shanties throughout the working days.
  • Double the PDS entitlement: Governments must double PDS entitlements, which includes protein-rich pulses, and distribute these free at doorsteps.
  • Provide cooked and packed food: In addition, for homeless children and adults, and single migrants, it is urgent to supply cooked food to all who seek it, and to deliver packed food to the aged and the disabled in their homes using the services of community youth volunteers.
  • Ensure prisons are safe: To ensure jails are safer, all prison undertrial prisoners, except those charged with the gravest crimes, should be released.
  • Likewise, all those convicted for petty crimes. All residents of beggars’ homes, women’s rescue centres and detention centres should be freed forthwith.

Way forward

  • Commit 3% of GDP on health: India must immediately commit 3% of its GDP for public spending on health services, with the focus on free and universal primary and secondary health care.
  • Nationalise private healthcare: Since the need is immediate, authorities should follow the example of Spain and New Zealand and nationalise private health care.
  • An ordinance should be passed immediately that no patient should be turned away or charged in any private hospital for diagnosis or treatment of symptoms which could be of COVID-19.

Conclusion

While one part of the population enjoys work and nutritional security, health insurance and housing of globally acceptable standards, others survive at the edge of unprotected and uncertain work, abysmal housing without clean water and sanitation, and no assured public health care. Can we resolve to correct this in post-COVID India? Can we at least now make the country more kind, just and equal?

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